Archive | October, 2025

The Final Statement of the Gaza Tribunal Jury of Conscience

29 Oct

[Prefatory Remark: I post today the historic outcome of Gaza People’s Tribunal Final Session in Istanbul, May 23-26. The Jury composed of persons of diverse backgrounds, but joined by lives vividly committed to a lives of engaged citizenship, progressive political consciousness, with actions guided by the deep roots of conscience. The GPT was designed to honor these same features with a particular emphasis on serving as an instrument of truth-telling with respect to the Palestinian ordeal resulting from the Hamas-led attack of October 7, 2023. To expose the truth that emerges from respecting reality and evidence is necessary because of state propaganda and a filtered, biased media that either hides or slants the truth, even to the extent of punitive and lethal action against independent journalists and dismissing as irrelevant the rulings of the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court.

Its formation inspired by the Russell Tribunal of 1966-67 that reacted to US crimes in the Vietnam War that were not resisted, or even exposed by the organized international community as embodied in the UN. When institutions fail to implement international law in extreme situation people of conscience must act. Israel has become a rogue or pariah state becuase the peoples of the world have reacted, but it is not enough. Palestinian rights must be realized, and future of peace must be shaped by the victims of criminality, not by the perpetrators.]

FINAL STATEMENT OF THE GAZA TRIBUNAL JURY OF CONSCIENCE

Istanbul, October 26, 2025

We, the undersigned members of the Jury of Conscience, hereby deliver this Statement of Findings and Moral Judgment

at the final session of the Gaza Tribunal. The Jury, guided by conscience and informed by international law, does not speak

with the authority of states, but when law is silenced by power, conscience must become the final tribunal.

The Tribunal is not a court of law so does not purport to determine guilt or liability of any person, organization or state. It is a

civil society response to the continuing lack of accountability for the commission by Israel of genocide in the Gaza Strip. We

believe that genocide must be named and documented and that impunity feeds continuing violence throughout the globe.

Genocide in Gaza is the concern of all humanity. When states are silent civil society can and must speak out.

The Gaza Tribunal has brought together a wealth of material in a valuable archive, the existence of which provides lasting

evidence of the truth of the genocide against the Palestinian people. The Jury expresses solidarity with the rallies, the

marches, the encampments, the flotillas, the strikes and other actions that protest the genocide and states’ unwillingness

to hold Israel to account. And it offers a counter-narrative to the security narrative Israel and its allies persistently broadcast

and to the labelling of Palestinian suffering as a humanitarian disaster. It is not. It is the deliberate commission of the gravest

of crimes, imposed with dire humanitarian consequences.

We have heard extensive evidence of the crimes committed by Israel, of the causes of the genocide, of the collusion by and

complicity of other actors, of courageous resistance and resilience by Palestinians and by global civil society. We have heard

moving personal testimonies of the physical and mental harms wrought by these crimes and the suffering of the Palestinian

people.

This concluding statement presents our findings based upon this evidence and the legal standards of the Genocide

Convention, the human rights treaties, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, and the moral imperatives of

natural justice. Yet above all, this decision is grounded in the unyielding belief that every human life has equal worth, and that

no state or ideology has the right to destroy an entire people.

Our decision builds upon the testimonies, oral and written, the expert evidence and the research and analytical papers

carried out by many people over the past months. It reiterates and endorses the Sarajevo Declaration adopted in May 2025.

Israel’s Crimes

The Jury condemns the ongoing genocide and crimes listed below. We believe these crimes and their impact on the Palestinian

people should be separately named to understand the holistic nature of the genocide, its dehumanisation of the people,

its sadistic character and its temporality. These crimes did not commence in October 2023 and they will not end with the

ceasefire; deaths and severe physical harm will continue. The physical and psychological trauma of the surviving population

will be transmitted through the generations.

The Jury condemns the commission of the following additional crimes:

Starvation and famine through the deliberate denial of food, water and systematic destruction of the entire food system.

Domicide is more than the intentional mass destruction of residential properties and their infrastructure – electricity,

water and sanitation. A home is about love, life, a repository of memories, hopes and aspiration. Its destruction causes

displacement, trauma, the disintegration of communities and profound cultural loss.

Ecocide describes a particular kind of warfare based on ruination of land fertility, air quality, sources of food and water:

catastrophic environmental damage that destroys the capacity to survive after the bombing ceases.

Deliberate destruction and targeting of the healthcare infrastructure, equipment and personnel have been

systematic for decades and has become almost total. The most important issue for physical and mental health is the

Israeli occupation and the dehumanisation of the population.

Reprocide is the intentional and systematic targeting of Palestinian reproductive care through prevention of births,

eliminating future lives and the ability to reproduce safely.

Scholasticide is the genocide of knowledge, the destruction of Palestine’s intellectual future through the killing, silencing

and displacing a generation of students and teachers, obliteration of schools and universities, destroying dreams andaspirations.

Attacks on journalists. ‘Genocide documentation’ is carried out by Palestinian journalists and they and their families

are targeted. Silencing these journalists is instrumental to the concealment of the genocide and more journalists have

been killed than in any other conflict.

Torture, sexual violence, disappearances, gender-based violence in detention, at checkpoints, in house searches, in

displacement and elsewhere.

Politicide is the targeted assassination and kidnapping of political and cultural leaders, representatives, activists, and

destruction of civic institutions.

The Jury finds a coherent and consistent pattern of exterminatory violence in the intentional and targeted destruction of

homes, water supplies, schools, hospitals, clinics, universities, cultural and religious institutions, agricultural land, and natural

ecosystems. The weaponization of hunger, denial of medical care, and forced displacement are not collateral damages of

war—they are instruments of collective punishment of the entire population and of genocide. They are not justified by any

claim of military objectives.

Complicity and Collusion

The Jury finds Western governments, particularly the United States, and others complicit in, in some cases colluding with,

Israel’s commission of genocide through provision of diplomatic cover, weapons, weapon parts, intelligence, military

assistance and training, and continuing economic relations. Such actions constitute moral failure and breach of their legal

duty to prevent genocide and to cooperate to end a violation of a peremptory norm of international law – genocide and the

Palestinian right to self-determination. Silence and inaction in the face of genocide are not an option and are other forms of

complicity.

The Jury finds a range of non-state actors to be complicit in genocide. Biased media reporting in the west on Palestine and

under-reporting of Israeli crimes conform to the economic and political interest of the ruling elites and their allied interests.

Academic institutions through their investments support Israel; staff and student endorsements of Palestine are silenced

or disciplined.

Israel survives through militarisation; global supply chains sustain the genocide through weapons, banks, technology,

transportation, and other multinational corporations. The hi-technology sector sustains the machinery of genocide by

manipulating contents through algorithms, and allowing Israel to watch and plan every airstrike and assassination. Companies

that sell cloud capacity to Israel provide the computer power for genocide. The Jury considers that the political economy of

genocide is the highest form of hyper imperialism of the 21st century.

The Jury finds the current global order, structured by power hierarchies and economic dependencies, to have revealed its

incapacity to prevent or punish atrocity crimes when committed by the powerful or their allies. The United Nations, paralyzed

by the veto and political selectivity, has abdicated its foundational responsibility “to save succeeding generations from the

scourge of war.”

The Jury however commends the UNHRC special procedures, including the Commission of Inquiry and especially the

steadfastness of the special rapporteur on the occupied Palestinian territories, Francesca Albanese, for their affirmation of

genocide.

Conclusions

The Jury affirms that Israel is perpetrating an ongoing genocide against the Palestinian people in Gaza, within—and enabled

by—a broader settler-colonial apartheid regime rooted in the supremacist ideology of Zionism. This campaign is inseparable

from over a century-long project targeting Palestinians across all of Palestine and in exile. The root causes of genocide lie in

a racist, supremacist ideology—Zionism—that underpins a system aiming to dispossess, dominate, and erase Palestinians,

supported by an oppressive neo-colonial power structure led by the United States and its allies, and shielded by international

complicity, including from many Arab and Muslim governments.

The Jury considers the genocide in Gaza to have several exceptional characteristics. It is perpetuated on a captive population

in a tiny, closed territory where Israel controls all entries and exits. It is systematic and carried out with the most advanced

technology. Despite Israel’s attempts to prevent reporting, it is highly visible in real time. There has been resort to international

judicial bodies, the International Court of Justice by South Africa and the request for an Advisory Opinion by the UN GeneralAssembly with respect to UNRWA and the arrest warrants issued by the ICC, yet these have been ignored with impunity by

Israel and other states have made little real protest and minimal sanctions have been imposed. Indeed, it is the ICC personnel

and NGOs assisting the Court that have been sanctioned by the United States.

Recommendations

Ending Impunity and Ensuring Accountability

To hold all those responsible, politically, militarily, economically, and ideologically, perpetrators, supporters, enablers,

and complicit parties fully accountable by every lawful means and to the fullest extent of the law.

To suspend Israel from international organizations and institutions, particularly the United Nations and its affiliates.

To activate UN General Assembly Resolution 377 A(V) (Uniting for Peace) so the UNGA can adopt collective measures

to mandate a protective force for the Palestinian territories and stop the genocide in Gaza, given the UNSC’s failure to

act due to successive U.S. vetoes.

Resisting and Dismantling Oppressive Structures

The Jury reaffirms the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to choose their modes of resistance to achieve

liberation, freedom, and independence.

The Jury endorses a global, rights-based strategy to dismantle Zionist structures: identify and map the Zionist regime’s

sources of power and enabling pillars.

The Jury calls for building a worldwide movement that weakens, isolates, and dismantles each source through coordinated

political, legal, economic, academic, cultural, technological, and social action.

To achieve this objective, two main tasks are paramount:

1.  Steadfastness and non-displacement. Palestinians—in Gaza, the West Bank including Jerusalem, Palestinian

communities inside the 1948 lines, must remain rooted in their land. There must be no further forced displacement of

Palestinians in exile, particularly refugees across the region. Preventing displacement and sustaining steadfastness are

essential to maintain the struggle.

2.  Comprehensive global confrontation. Confront the Zionist movement and regime globally in every sphere—political

and diplomatic; legal and human rights; economic and commercial; media, cultural, intellectual, academic, and

educational; industrial, technological, and scientific; arts, tourism, and sports. This mobilization centers peoples,

movements, parties, unions, civil-society organizations, and individuals so that solidarity becomes power, normalization

is resisted, and the Zionist project is besieged on all fronts.

The Jury affirms that the struggle is with Zionism as a racist, supremacist, settler-colonial enterprise—not with Jews or

Judaism. The strategic horizon is a single rights-based political order grounded in equality, decolonization, restitution, and

the unfettered right of return. Only this course can end the ongoing genocide and open a path to a just and durable peace

for all who live in Palestine and beyond.

We issue this statement in the name of justice, dignity, and peace, and in remembrance of all those who have perished in

Gaza and throughout Palestine.

Silence is not neutral; silence is complicity; neutrality is surrender to evil.

In solidarity with the people of Gaza and in memory of all victims of genocide,

The Jury of Conscience (alphabetically)

Prof. Sami Al-Arian

Prof. Christine Chinkin

Dr. Ghada Karmi

Author Kenize Mourad

Prof. Chandra Muzaffar

Prof. Biljana Vankovska

The Gaza Peoples’ Tribunal: Exploring Palestinian Erasure

21 Oct

Richard Falk

20 October 2025 21:02 BST | Last update: 11 hours 21 mins ago

By rewarding impunity for genocide, Trump’s ceasefire proves why a civil society-led tribunal is needed to uphold accountability and document Palestine’s fight for justice

Protesters hold signs calling for the arrest of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu during a Palestine solidarity protest in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, on 12 October 2025 (Amel Emric/Reuters)

Protesters hold signs calling for the arrest of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu during a Palestine solidarity protest in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, on 12 October 2025 (Amel Emric/Reuters)

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The Gaza Tribunal, a people’s tribunal, was formed a year ago in response to the failure of the established world order of sovereign states and international institutions to stop what experts and ordinary people increasingly recognised as genocide in Gaza.

The Gaza Tribunal will hold its final session from 23-26 October 2025 at Istanbul University.

Our initiative was inspired by an earlier civil society effort during the Vietnam War, when leading public intellectuals Bertrand Russell and Jean-Paul Sartre established the Russell Tribunal, which held hearings in 1966 and 1967.

Its mission was to report on the international crimes of the United States and to legitimise growing anti-war sentiment in the West.

The underlying premise was that when the state system fails to uphold international law or to ensure accountability for grave crimes that affect global peace and security, people possess a residual authority and responsibility to act.

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In the half-century since, many similar tribunals have emerged around the world. Their shared purpose is to speak truth to power and legitimise solidarity initiatives that seek to mount pressure on governments and institutions to take action.

Such people’s tribunals are also intended to encourage civil society activism, such as the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement launched by Palestinian NGOs in 2005.

Unlike national or international courts, people’s tribunals do not claim legal authority.

They are overtly partisan, driven by moral conscience rather than formal procedure. They provide a platform for survivor testimony and expert analysis, with the aim of mobilising global activism in pursuit of justice.

Their focus extends beyond legal culpability to encompass broader moral and political responsibility. The tribunal embodies these principles through its Jury of Conscience – individuals of diverse backgrounds and nationalities who share a commitment to moral integrity and to exposing the Palestinian ordeal in Gaza.

Seeking truth

In certain respects, the tribunal’s work resembles that of United Nations truth-seeking mechanisms, such as the reports of the special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories. These have persuasively documented evidence of genocidal intent by Israel and its complicit allies.

Yet unlike the tribunal, UN rapporteurs operate as neutral experts, professionally bound to follow evidence wherever it leads.

In an unprecedented act of retaliation, the current UN special rapporteur, Francesca Albanese, was personally sanctioned by the US government, denied entry to the country despite her credentials and had her American assets frozen.

The punitive response to UN truth-telling underscores the need for independent civil society efforts to expose the reality of human suffering caused by Israel’s unlawful and immoral policies

This punitive response to UN truth-telling underscores the need for independent civil society efforts to expose the reality of human suffering caused by Israel’s unlawful and immoral policies.

From its inception, the tribunal has pledged complete independence from government interference, with no active politicians or officials involved in its work.

It is against this background that some may argue that recent developments, particularly US President Donald Trump‘s much-publicised diplomacy and the resulting fragile ceasefire in Gaza, render the tribunal redundant.

They may see the tribunal as an unhelpful distraction from the supposed work of peacebuilding, or from the UN’s paralysis in the face of two years of genocide in an occupied territory where it bears a special institutional responsibility.

The reality, however, is that such developments make the tribunal more essential than ever. When governments and international institutions abandon justice, it falls to ordinary people to uphold it.

Illusions of peace

The attention devoted in recent days to the so-called Trump ultimatum to Hamas, whose acceptance led to the return of all Israeli hostages within 72 hours, reflected the coercive nature of the process.

Hamas was told to comply or face a US-backed Israeli resumption of the genocide that Trump, in his fiery language, forecast as the “opening of the gates of hell”.


Follow Middle East Eye’s live coverage of Israel’s genocide in Gaza


Hamas dutifully delivered all of the living hostages and as many of the remains of the dead as it managed to recover. In response, Israel released nearly 2,000 Palestinians imprisoned without charge since 7 October 2023 – effectively hostages themselves.

This prisoner exchange produced a ceasefire in Gaza, accompanied by celebrations in Israel limited to the return of the hostages, and in Gaza, expressing joy about the ceasefire, the release of detained Palestinians, and the partial withdrawal of Israeli forces.

At the same time, there were many flaws in the arrangements when viewed from a Palestinian perspective.

Trump’s plan for Gaza rewards Israel’s genocide and punishes its victims

Read More »

The proposed transition to a peaceful future, outlined in the 20-point plan and boasted about by Trump in grandiose terms, seems at best premature and, more likely, never to be realised.

Recent statements and behaviour by Israel’s leaders and public appear as determined as ever to pursue a dehumanising and punitive approach towards the still unwelcome Palestinian presence in Gaza and the West Bank.

Israeli ceasefire violations in the first few days resulted in at least 10 Palestinian deaths and the blocking of half of the agreed humanitarian deliveries to a population that is starving, disease-ridden, lacking potable water, and deprived of health services and medicines.

The Palestinian population, stunned and devastated by two years of genocide that deliberately destroyed health and sanitation facilities as well as more than 90 percent of residential structures, continues to suffer under catastrophic conditions.

To live without bombs, even temporarily, is surely a blessing. Yet to exist in primitive tent communities without toilets or kitchens, amid rubble containing the missing bodies of friends, neighbours and relatives, should be regarded as a slowdown of the genocidal assault but hardly its end – or even its replacement by a post-genocide phase resembling the pre-7 October 2023 apartheid-style occupation.

A broken process

In this atmosphere, it remains imperative to expose Israel’s harsh policies and practices that continue to impose emergency, dehumanising conditions and vulnerabilities upon the entrapped population of Gaza.

Israel is reported to have given material support to anti-Hamas clans and gangs to aggravate the grave conditions that persist.

While the ceasefire and the prospect of a peaceful future may be welcomed, it is notable that the positive results were achieved through reliance on an unlawful ultimatum threatening intensified violence.

Beyond this, the entire process was guided by and weighted in favour of Israel and the United States – the two states most closely identified with the perpetration of two years of unremitting genocide.

In effect, the political actors guilty of genocide were rewarded by being entrusted with controlling the peace process for their own benefit.

This is a perversion of justice. Imagine the outrage if surviving Nazi leaders had been authorised to preside over the post-World War Two peace process.

The ‘legitimacy war’

The tribunal does not claim historic importance, but its relevance remains undiminished. It exists to validate the charge of genocide and to reaffirm the Palestinian struggle for self-determination and statehood.

Both dimensions of the present Gaza reality are airbrushed out of existence by the self-congratulatory bombast of Trump’s diplomacy.

Amid fragile ceasefire, the Gaza tribunal on genocide will bring us closer to justice

Richard Falk

Read More »

Those who perpetrated genocide have so far not only evaded any kind of formal accountability for their crimes but have also benefited, except to the extent that Israel is now experiencing eroded legitimacy as a sovereign state and is widely viewed as a pariah.

This dynamic of delegitimation has occurred despite the international community’s complete failure to apply standards of accountability in the form of reparations or a reconciliation process that exchanges acknowledgement of past crimes for amnesty.

That others, rather than the perpetrators and their enablers, are expected to bear the costs of Gaza’s reconstruction is an assault on the very notion of moral and legal responsibility.

What the tribunal seeks to achieve is the sharpening of a populist tool that constructs an accurate archive and narrative of past and present.

Its assessments contribute to the relevance of voices of conscience in civil society – a form of symbolic politics that influences questions of legitimacy.

In this respect, the side that won the “legitimacy war” for control of moral and legal discourse generally determined the political outcome of the anti-colonial struggles of the last half-century, despite being militarily inferior.

These are lessons the US should have learned in Vietnam, and Israel in its long encounter with the Palestinian people.

There is little doubt that the Palestinians have won the legitimacy war

Although the future is highly uncertain, there is little doubt that, as of now, the Palestinians have won the legitimacy war – an outcome that will be certified by the proceedings of the Gaza Tribunal.

In their struggle against Zionist settler colonialism, Palestinians have achieved a notable symbolic victory since 7 October 2023, and Israel a corresponding defeat.

To record and document this outcome in Gaza is, by itself, enough to justify holding the Gaza Tribunal’s final session in the days ahead.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

Richard Falk is an international law and international relations scholar who taught at Princeton University for forty years. In 2008 he was also appointed by the UN to serve a six-year term as the Special Rapporteur on Palestinian human rights.

Middle East Eye delivers independent and unrivalled coverage and analysis of the Middle East, North Africa and beyond. To learn more about republishing this content and the associated fees, please fill out this form. More about MEE can be found here.

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Trump’s Dipomatic Initiative: A New Dawn or Just Another Dusk?

17 Oct

Prefatory Note: The post below is based on modified responses to questions addressed to me by Rodrigo Craveiro, a Brazilian journalist. The focus is what to expect in the weeks ahead to follow from the Trump dipomatic offensive to bring an Israeli crafted peace to fruition in Gaza, and broader stability to the entire Middle East}

  1. There is a sense of joy but also of fury due to the fact all the bodies didn´t return to Israel. How do you see this?

Given the overall experience of the past two years, the attention accorded to the hostages by the Western media is misleadingly disproportionate, and as usual Israel-biased. And now the pain of those Israelis who seek the agreed return of the bodies of non-surviving hostages is an extension of this distortion that shifts global concerns away from the terrible carnage and ccontinuing suffering in Gaza, and the totally ravaged homeland of the Palestinians that is being subject to day after arrangements made by its tormentors without Palestinian participation, much less authentic representation selected by the Palestinian people. Legitimate Palestinian leadership does not presently exist even if there existed a commitment to identify and endow such individuals with appropriate roles. For sustainable progress toward a just future peace to be achieved the Palestinians must participate and be representative of their own choosing. Such a reality can only be decided by the Palestinians themselves, most obviously, in an internationally monitored competitive election among rival claimants to Palestinian leadership throughout Occupied Palestine.

Hamas evidently agreed to return the bodies of dead hostages in their possession, but given the difficulty of locating the bodies and collecting the remains, unless there is a genuine repudiation by Hamas of this underlying duty associated with the ceasefire, their good will deserves the benefit of the doubt. The disappointment of the families in Israel that suffered from this human loss is understandable, but it should be interpreted in ways that are subordinate to more relevant issues such as ceasefire violations. It was reported two days after the ceasefire went into effect that Israel killed by gunfire and missiles 7 Palestinians seeking to visit their destroyed home in Gaza City, a disturbing incident which seemed received scant, if any, coverage in international media or mainstream international commentary, and yet could be seen as evidence of the fragility of the ceasefire arrangements or an indication that Israel is ready to risk or is even seeking the collapse of the ceasefire by testing its limits. A carefree attitude toward the renewal of the violent encounter that rests on implied, or even secret, assurances of unwavering US support.

  • Trump addressed the Israeli Knesset, where he said that his peace plan marks the “historic dawn of a new Middle East”. Do you believe this is something real or is he exaggerating?

My best guess is that historians looking back at those words will conclude that Trump had confused dawn with dusk. There is no prospect of a brightening of the dark skies casting a shadow on the countries of Middle East until Palestinian rights arerespected, and that includes honoring the international right of return of the seven million Palestinian refugees. There must be a campaign to obtain proper accountability for the Gaza Genocide. Until the costs of Gaza reconstruction are borne by the perpetrators of the devastation, accompanied by some process of reconciliation that does not whitewash the crimes of Israel and its enablers it will be impossible to create a peaceful future for the region. At the very least the vast devastation caused by the genocide must be physically overcome by a process of reconstruction funded by adequate reparations. The scope of reconstruction must include health, heritage and religious sites, educational and cultural institutions, residential neighborhoods, UNRWA facilities, and much else. The most painful losses of loved ones and body parts can never be compensated by material means and are an enduring negative legacy of the Gaza Genocide. Even recognizing pragmatic constraints on peacemaking given political conditions a ‘peace’ crafted to please the perpetrator of genocide and its most complicit supporter, is highly unlikely to proceed very far. The Trump 20 Point Plan is not a break with the past, but an effort to induce forgetfulness necessary to attain credibility in proposing post-conflict arrangements. To grasp the ironies of this Trump Plan we should imagine our reactions if the Nazi survivors of World War II had been put in charge of designing the future of the international order, or even of just post-war Germany. It would not have seemed like a step toward a peaceful future regardless of the language used to obscure the perverse underlying reality.  

3- Trump and the three mediating governments signed the peace plan for Gaza at the Sharm el-Sheik Summit. Given this development, what can we expect to happen in the future?

It is almost universally believed that the ceasefire should remain operative even if violations of the underlying plan occur or its further implementation stalls. Beyond this it is a matter of how much leverage is exerted by the US to advance the governance proposals in Part II of Trump‘s Plan. Whether Hamas and Palestinian resistance forces are subject to being coerced by further threats of Israeli renewal of its genocidal assault is unclear. It is also uncertain if the US would go along with an Israeli unilateral departure from the Trump Plan. Israel is quite capable of fabricating claims that Hamas is violating the ceasefire and related obligations leaving it no choice but to resume its military operations. It would appear at this time that Trump would allow Israel to exercise such an option. At the same time, Trump is so mercurial and narcissistic that it possible he would regard Israel’s action as undermining his claims as peacemaker, and repudiate the Israeli resumption of large-scale violence in Gaza. In an odd way Israel and Trump may turn out to have different goals. Israel has not given up its quest for ‘Greater Israel,’ which means absorbing not only East Jerusalem, but Gaza and the West Bank within its sovereign territory. Trump may still strangely believe he can obtain the Nobel Peace Prize if his Plan is operationalized in Gaza and the two conflicting parties accept the arrangements.

Overall, it is clear that peace and stability will not be the future of the Middle East until Israel respects Palestinian rights, drastically redefines or repudiate Zionism and apartheid in a manner consistent with international law, and agrees to the establishment of a Peace & Reconciliation Commission to acknowledge Israel’s past criminal violations of Palestinian rights and to announce a new dedication to the creation of an independent commission that assists the Palestinian/Israeli leadership to build future relations between Jews and Arabs on the basis of equality, dignity, and rights as the foundation for sustainable patterns of peaceful coexistence. For a truly new and stable Middle East Israel  must agree to the establishment of a nuclear free zone, including itself and Iran.

4- What are Risks of Clashes between Hamas and Gaza Clans and Factions?

These issues are murky, with contending interpretations and explanations of their recent prominence in the midst of this most ambitious effort to develop the current ceasefire pause into a framework for long-term conflict resolution by implementing, perhaps with modifications, the advanced phases of the Trump 20 Point Plan. In this context, Israel seems to welcome these tensions within Gaza, by various means including subsidies, to allow them an option to exit from this series of developments that might challenge their annexation plans in the West Bank as well as Gaza. It is possible that the Netanyahu government agreed to the ceasefire only to secure the return of the hostages, and never assented to any wider interference with its militarist approach, and may have had assurances of Trump’s support no matter what.  If this plays out Israel would actually welcome the collapse of the conflict-resolution part of the framework in a manner that would find tacit acceptance, if not outright approval in Washington. Such a manipulation of reality requires pinning the blame on Hamas that is currently taking the form of criticizing Hamas for seeking to destroy those armed groups in Gaza that collaborated with the Israeli military operations.

Such a line of interpretation is reinforced by Israeli unreasonably shrill complaints about the Hamas failure to return all of the bodies of the dead hostages. On its part Hamas claims it has returned all the remains it could discover with its existing equipment, given that some dead hostages remain trapped far beneath the rubble. This seems a reasonable explanation as Hamas has little incentive to retain the remains of dead Israeli hostages or of taking steps that provide an excuse for Israel to resume bombardment and other forms of violence in Gaza.

Such a line of interpretation is also consistent with Israel’s pattern of lethal violence killing Palestinians in several instances that have the clear appearance of being deliberate violations of the ceasefire agreement. Additionally, Israeli interference with the delivery of humanitarian aid by reducing the entry of relief goods by 50% is another expression of Israel’s unwillingness to allow even a conflict-resolving process weighted in its favor to go forward.  These are serious provocations by Israel, causing sharp criticism from some governments that had previously endorsed the Trump approach, but not yet even a whimper of disapproval from the US.

The gathering evidence suggests that Israel is accumulating grounds for repudiating the ‘peace’ process and resuming its military operations accompanied by a renewed clampdown on the further delivery of humanitarian aid, despite widespread hunger, disease, and trauma among the civilian population of Gaza.  The next week or so shall determine whether this pessimistic assessment dooms the ceasefire as well as the prospects for conflict-resolution by diplomacy rather than through further recourse to genocide. Israel since the return of the living hostages in Gaza holds all the cards and Hamas has none except for its incredible capacity of resilience.

As yet there is no signs pointing to a new dawn.