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The Sarajevo Declaration of the Gaza Tribunal (29 May 2025)

30 May

[Prefatory Note: the post below is The Sarajevo Declaration of the Gaza Tribunal, a consensus document prepared in conjunction with participants in the first of two Public Sessions of the Gaza Tribunal, released on May 29, 2025. The second session of the tribunal is scheduled for late October. The proceedings in Sarajevo consisted of survivor testimony from Gaza, invited expert speakers, a roundtable on media complicity, and the reports of three chambers tasked with documenting evidence and consequences of alleged genocide and crimes associated with forcible application of the Settler Colonial Project to Gaza following October 7, as well as the failure of the UN, growing public protests, and of leading governments to bring the genocide to an end in accordance with international law and hold the perpetrators accountable. The Sarajevo Declaration is a comprehensive text intended to convey the orientation, broad scope of the goals of civil society solidarity activation and reflecting the diversity of concerns among members of the Gaza Tribunal community. Sarajevo was our chosen site to express symbolic solidarity with an earlier genocide at Srebrenica that occurred 30 years ago. Encourage wide sharing of the Sarajevo Declaration. It is my honor to serve as president of the GTP in concert with dedicated scholars, witnesses, and activists from around the world, including the inspiring participation of our Palestinian sisters and brothers.]

                                    The Sarajevo Declaration of the Gaza Tribunal

28 May We, the members of the Gaza Tribunal, having gathered in Sarajevo from 26 to 29 May 2025, declare our collective moral outrage at the continuing genocide in Palestine, our solidarity with the people of Palestine, and our commitment to working with partners across global civil society to end the genocide and to ensure accountability for perpetrators and enablers, redress for victims and survivors, the building of a more just international order, and a free Palestine.

We condemn the Israeli regime, its perpetration of genocide, and its decades-long policies and practices of settler colonialism, ethno-supremacism, apartheid, racial segregation, persecution, unlawful settlements, the denial of the right to return, collective punishment, mass detention, torture and cruel and inhuman treatment and punishment, extrajudicial executions, systematic sexual violence, demolitions, forced displacement and expulsions, ethnic purges and forced demographic change, forced starvation, the systematic denial of all economic and social rights, and extermination.

We are horrified by the Israeli regime’s systematic devastation of Palestinian lives, lands, and livelihoods, including its intentional destruction of all sources and systems for food, water, healthcare, education, housing, culture, as well as mosques, churches, aid facilities, and refugee shelters, and its targeting of medical personnel, journalists, aid workers, and United Nations staff, and its direct targeting of civilians, including children and older persons, women and men,  girls and boys, persons with disabilities and those with medical conditions.

We demand an immediate withdrawal of Israeli forces and an end to the genocide, to all Israeli military action, to forced displacement and expulsions, to settlement activities, to the siege of Gaza and restrictions on movement in the West Bank. We call for the immediate and unconditional release of all prisoners, including the thousands of Palestinian women, men and children held in abusive Israeli detention facilities. We insist on the immediate resumption of massive humanitarian aid to all of Gaza without restriction or interference, including food, water, shelter, medical supplies and equipment, sanitary equipment, rescue equipment, and construction materials and equipment. We call as well for a complete withdrawal of all Israeli forces from all Lebanese and Syrian territory.

We call for an end of the smearing of UNRWA and other humanitarian workers, for the free and unhindered access of UNRWA and all other United Nations and humanitarian organizations in all areas of Gaza and the West Bank, for full compensation by the Israeli regime for damage caused to UN and humanitarian facilities, alongside full compensation and reparations to the Palestinian people, and for full accountability for the harassment, abduction, torture, and murder of UNRWA and other humanitarian workers and their families.

We call on all governments and on regional and international organizations to end the historic scandal of inaction that has characterized the past nineteen months, to urgently respond with all means at their disposal to end the Israeli assault and siege, to uphold international law, to hold perpetrators to account, and to provide immediate relief and protection to the people of Palestine.

We denounce the continued complicity of governments in the perpetration of Israeli war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide in Palestine, and the shameful role of many media corporations in covering up the genocide, dehumanizing Palestinians, and in the dissemination of propaganda fueling anti-Palestinian racism, war crimes, and genocide.  

We equally denounce the wave of persecution and crackdowns on human rights defenders, peace activists, students, academics, workers, professionals, and others, perpetrated by Western governments, police agencies, the private sector, and educational institutions. We honor those who, despite this persecution, have had the courage and moral convictions to stand up and speak out against these historic horrors, and we insist on the full protection of the human rights of free expression, opinion, assembly, and association, as well as the right to defend human rights without harassment, retaliation, or persecution.

We reject the unjust tactic of smearing as “antisemites” or “supporters of terrorism” all those who dare to speak up and act to defend the rights of the Palestinian people and to condemn the injustices and atrocities of the Israeli regime and its perpetration of apartheid and genocide, or those who criticize the ideology of political Zionism. We stand in solidarity with all those who have been smeared or punished in this way.

We are convinced that the struggle against all forms of racism, bigotry, and discrimination necessarily includes the equal rejection of Islamophobia, anti-Arab and anti-Palestinian racism, and antisemitism. It also includes an acknowledgment of the horrific effects that Zionism, apartheid, and settler-colonialism have had and continue to have on the Palestinian people. We commit to fighting all such scourges.

We also reject the destructive ideology of political Zionism, as the official state ideology of the Israeli regime, of the forces that colonized Palestine and established the Israeli state on its ruins, and of pro-Israel organizations and proxies today. We insist, in the words of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights, and that there are no exceptions to this rule. We call for decolonization across the land, an end to the ethno-supremacist order, and the replacement of political Zionism with a dispensation founded on equal human rights for Christians, Muslims, Jews, and others.

We are inspired by the courageous resistance and resilience of the Palestinian people in the face of over a century of persecution, and by the growing movement of millions standing in solidarity with them around the world, including the principled advocacy and nonviolent action of thousands of Jewish activists who have rejected the Israeli regime and its ethnonationalist ideology, and have declared that the Israeli regime neither represents them nor acts in their name.

We recognize the right of the Palestinian people to resist foreign occupation, colonial domination, apartheid, subjugation by a racist regime, and aggression, including through the use of armed struggle, in accordance with and as recognized in international law and as affirmed by the United Nations General Assembly.

We recall that the Palestinian right to self-determination is jus cogens and erga omnes (a universal rule not subject to exception and binding on all states) and is non-negotiable and axiomatic. We recognize that this right includes political, economic, social, and cultural self-determination, the right to return and full compensation for all harms suffered in a century of persecution, to permanent sovereignty over natural resources, and to non-aggression and non-intervention. We respect Palestinian aspirations and full Palestinian agency and leadership over all decisions affecting their lives, and we stand in solidarity with them.  

We are gravely concerned at the direction of international relations, international politics, and international institutions, and by attacks on those international institutions that have challenged genocide and apartheid in Palestine. We believe that the normative foundations of the global order, grounded in human rights, the self-determination of peoples, peace, and the international rule of law, are being sacrificed at the altar of ruthless political realism and obsequious deference to power, with the people of Palestine left undefended and vulnerable on the front lines. We insist that another world is possible and intend to fight to bring it about.

We fear that the nascent and flawed international normative order, built up since the Second World War, with human rights at its center, is at risk of collapse as a result of the sustained attack waged on the system by the Israeli regime’s Western allies in their quest to buttress Israeli impunity. We pledge to oppose this attack and to work to protect and advance the project of building a world in which human rights are governed by the rule of law, beginning with the struggle for Palestinian freedom. And we believe that the weaknesses and inequities hard-wired into the international system from the start, including the geopolitical right of exception codified in the United Nations Security Council veto, the disempowerment of the General Assembly, and the structural obstacles that mitigate against the enforceability of International Court of Justice (ICJ) decisions, must be reformed and rectified.

We demand immediate action to isolate, contain, and hold accountable the Israeli regime through universal boycott, divestment, sanctions, a military embargo, suspension from International organizations, and the prosecution of its perpetrators, and we commit ourselves to this cause. We equally demand individual criminal accountability for all Israeli political and military leaders, soldiers, and settlers implicated in war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide, or gross violations of human rights, as well as accountability for all persons and organizational actors guilty of complicity in the regime’s crimes, including external proxies of the Israeli regime, government officials, corporations, arms manufacturers, energy companies, technology firms, and financial institutions.

We applaud the International Court of Justice (ICJ) for its ongoing historic genocide case against the Israeli regime and for its landmark advisory opinion findings on the illegality of the Israeli occupation, of the apartheid wall, and of the Israeli practice of apartheid and racial segregation, and its findings that the rights of the Palestinian people are not dependent upon or subject to negotiation with their oppressor and that all states are obliged to abstain from treaty, economic, trade, investment, or diplomatic relations with Israel’s occupation regime. We celebrate the principled action of South Africa in bringing to the ICJ the historic genocide case against the Israeli regime.

We call on all states to ensure the implementation of all provisional measures adopted by the ICJ in the genocide case against Israel, to fully respect the findings of the ICJ in its advisory opinion of July 2024, to comply with all elements of the United Nations General Assembly resolution of 13 September 2024 (A/ES-10/L.31/Rev.1), ending all arms trade with and implementing sanctions on the Israeli regime, and to support accountability for all Israeli perpetrators.  We urge civil society organizations and social movements around the world to initiate and strengthen campaigns to support the ICJ’s decisions and opinions on Palestine, and to press their own governments to abide by them.

We similarly applaud the International Criminal Court for (albeit belatedly) issuing arrest warrants for two senior Israeli regime leaders and call on the ICC to both expedite action on these cases and to issue further warrants for other Israeli perpetrators, both civilian and military.  We call on all ICC State Parties to urgently act on their obligations to arrest these perpetrators and hand them over for trial, and we demand that the United States lift all ICC sanctions and cease all obstruction of justice.

We express our gratitude and admiration to the independent special procedures of the United Nations Human Rights Council for their expert contributions and for their strong and principled voices in holding the Israeli regime to account and defending the human rights of the Palestinian people. They have shown themselves to be the conscience of the organization, and we call on the United Nations and all member states to defend and support these mandate holders without fail. We applaud, as well, the principled action of those United Nations agencies that have acted to defend the rights of the Palestinian people and to provide aid and relief to the survivors of genocide in Palestine in the face of unprecedented risks and obstacles, foremost among them, UNRWA.

We believe that the world is approaching a dangerous precipice, the front edge of which is in Palestine. Dangerous forces in both the public and private spheres are pushing us toward the abyss. The events of the past nineteen months, and our own deliberations, have convinced us that both key international organizations and most countries of the world, whether acting individually or collectively, have failed in defending the human rights of the Palestinian people and in responding to the Israeli regime’s genocide in Palestine. We are convinced that the challenge of justice now falls to people of conscience everywhere, to civil society and to social movements, to all of us. As such, our work in the coming months will be dedicated to meeting this challenge. Palestinian lives are at stake. The international moral and legal order is at stake. We must not fail. We will not relent.

* * * * * * * *

GAZA TRIBUNAL PROJECT: Opening Remarks and Sarajevo Program, May 26-29, 2025

27 May

Opening Remarks, Richard Falk, Sarajevo Public Session of Gaza Tribunal, 26 May 2025

Members of the Gaza Tribunal, Ladies and Gentlemen, Persons of Conscience Throughout the World, and Rector Ahmed Yildirim. It is my honor to welcome you to the opening day of the Sarajevo Public Session of the Gaza Tribunal. It is with great regret that I am not physically present in Sarajevo. I wish that I could be with you in person, but an unforeseen family accident disrupted my travel plans.

The purpose of the Gaza Tribunal is to add credibility to the torment and outrage of people throughout the world and do are part to bringing the Gaza ordeal of death and devastation to an end. Among our goals is to motivate nonviolent action performed with a goal of exerting pressure on Israel to desist from genocide. We commit ourselves to this goal in the name of our common humanity.

We are most grateful to the International University of Sarajevo, and particularly Rector Yildirim for hosting our presence on this historic campus. We are of course mindful of Sarajevo’s and Bosnia’s recent past and its symbolic relevance to the tragic fate that has befallen the Palestinian all of whom have are living as permanent refugees or as persecuted strangers in their own homeland. In the spirit of solemn acknowledgement, we should pay homage today 30 years after the willful massacre of 8,000 male Bosnians at Srebrenica for no reason other than their nationality and religion.

In the present period already lasting more than 19 months the eyes and ears of the world have been exposed to daily atrocities victimizing the besieged crowded, impoverished, and tiny Gaza Strip. Earlier genocides, including the Holocaust, were mostly known in retrospect by way of survivor stories and reconstructed images of the horrors experienced by the victims. This was a macabre contrast to the devastation of Gaza reported by the hour in words and images. Day after day the unspeakable suffering of Palestine’s remarkably resilient and resisting people disoriented persons of conscience by its transparent spectacles of evil. This impact was worsened by being brought to human awareness in real time.

Shamelessly, Israel made little attempt to hide its genocidal intentions or disguise its genocidal tactics. Its leaders and pro-government activists openly declared their goals as killing and maiming Palestinians, whether by bombs or by way of terrifying refusals to allow Gazans to obtain desperately needed food and medical supplies. Its leaders on some occasions sought to justify their behavior be referencing Biblical stories of genocide. Presumably, this was done to provide a hallowed religious precedent for their current operations in Gaza of mass extermination. Israel’s minimum goals were to induce large-scale departures from Occupied Palestine to places as distant as possible from their homeland that has been rendered virtually uninhabitable by repeated bombardment and artillery shelling. The genocidal cast of mind accompanying the military onslaught was manifest. Prominent Israeli citizens and government officials openly compared the mentality accompanying the killing Palestinians to that experienced while killing of cockroaches. Some high-profile Israelis even advocated dropping a nuclear bomb on the densely populated and totally vulnerable people of Gaza. Despite some pretensions to the contrary, the Israeli hostages held by Hamas did not restrain Israel’s violence or move the government toward accepting a permanent ceasefire even after the fury of its campaign went on month after month without achieving its purported original objective of destroying Hamas.

The pleas and warnings of the world’s leading moral authority figures went unheeded by Israel or its supporting governments. These including dedicated pleas from Pope Francis and Pope Leo XIV as well as from the UN Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, and several Nobel Peace Prize winners. These varied revered voices were defiantly scorned by Israel’s government and citizenry, and the massacres in Gaza continued unabated, and even spread to the West Bank.

The UN despite making a variety of responses has not been able to stop the killing, let alone protect the victimized people of Gaza, even its children, women, disabled, and elderly comprising an estimated 70% of Palestinian casualties. The UN has been blocked from taking decisive action by the diplomatic complicity of the North American and European liberal democracies. It has become obvious to all that the UN lacks the independent political will, authority, and capability to override the kind of geopolitical and material impunity given to Israel by the US. As the Israeli rogue behavior persisted the peoples of the world, including in the countries whose governments were openly aligned with Israel, mounted increasingly militant protests. However, the governments that could have made a difference watched the carnage of bodies and rubble pile up without making moves to stop it, and this sadly includes the governments of Israel’s Arab neighbors whose peoples ardently supported the Palestinian liberation struggle while their regimes remained passive. In many instances even maintained positive economic and political links with Israel belying their pretenses of neutrality or verbal opposition.

It is against this background that Gaza Tribunal was established some months ago, launched in London in November of 2024. Since then working with dedication to prepare as well as possible for this public session in Sarajevo. The undertaking can be grasped from the appended ambitious Program of the Tribunal that will unfold over the next four days.

The GT draws inspiration from prior peoples tribunals, most especially from the Russell Tribunal addressing the unlawfulness of US intervention in the Vietnam War, from the Iraq War Tribunal that was prompted by the 2003 regime-changing aggression that brought chaos and misery to the Iraqi people, and from the tireless work of the Permanent Peoples Tribunal of Rome that sponsored and organized comparable civil society inquiries into the leading injustices in the world. This legacy of earlier peoples tribunals had a common core rationale for coming into existence. This rationale also defines the mission of the Gaza Tribunal and can be explained concisely: It is the failure of organized international society to respond to severe injustices by enforcing international law and holding perpetrators and accomplices accountable. In short, these tribunals arise when the governments of leading states and inter-governmental institutions fail or neglect to address severe injustices, especially bearing on war and peace. In essence, people only act in response to international issues when the established order exhibits its moral and legal depravity from the perspective of justice.

It needs to be appreciated that the funding and organization of a people’s tribunal is a daunting challenge for ordinary citizen. Its inherent posture of radical opposition to governmental policy will be rejected harshly by establishment elites, including the corporate media, and often give rise to punitive reactions. That is to say, the reality of the Gaza Tribunal was a project not lightly undertaken by its principal organizers or by participating activists.

Gaza is the leading example, as well as a metaphor for the dying of settler colonialism, and is thus perceived as a dagger struck to the heart of anti-colonial national liberation. It prompted a few countries of the Global South to have recourse to the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court, hoping to find formal and authoritative judicial support for their well-documented allegations of genocide and crimes against humanity. Even this progressive reliance on a ‘law and order approach’ turned out to be of little practical benefit in stopping the genocide. The near unanimous rulings and decisions of the ICJ proved to be as unenforceable as were the prior General Assembly ceasefire resolutions. And thus the genocide continue, perpetrators retain de facto impunity, and the complicit governments have the audacity to seek control over day after negotiations.

Yet for opponents of Israel’s policies even these disappointing realities of judicial futility are helpful in this context because authoritative pronouncements of relevant law add symbolic force to the claim that Israel and its supporters have been driven from the high moral and legal ground despite their commanding influence over public discourse by virtue of hasbara manipulations and sympathetic major Western media outlets. Further, since 1945 the side in political conflicts that wins the main legality battles also wins the legitimacy war that informally adjudicates right and wrong. These symbolic victories have turned out to be historically relevant to shaping political outcomes. From the Vietnam War forward the side with military superiority has rarely controlled political outcomes in anti-colonial warfare, however much death and devastation it inflicts in trying for victory. Whether Palestinian resilience, extraordinary as it is,  has the capability to withstand the relentless pressure of Israeli genocide insulated from the enforcement of legal obligations by geopolitical protection, and prepared for by decades of apartheid governance and ethnic cleansing that encountered hardly any pushback from the UN aside from contributions to Palestinian victories in the battlefields of the legitimacy war.

In the coming days we will try to vindicate the establishment of the Gaza Tribunal by striving to add our efforts to rising global opposition to the brutal crimes of a continuing genocide. Can we do otherwise? Only two days ago Israel’s IDF reportedly knowingly targeted the home of two doctors married to one another. The IDF allegedly acted on the basis of surveillance technology that conveyed the knowledge that the house was full of children. While the mother, Alaa de-Najjar, a pediatrician was on duty at the nearby Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis, her home was bombed and nine of her ten children were killed by the fire caused by the explosion. The nine bodies of her children were brought to her at the hospital, while her husband critically wounded by the bomb and the singly surviving child, aptly named Adam, were struggling to stay alive. Can any of us rest while such barbarous behavior goes on and on?

Desperate for an end to this genocide I hope many will join me in calling for ‘the gravitas of awakened people’ to do what governments have failed to do, namely, to do all in our power to bring this Palestinian ordeal to an end

We are gathered here in Sarajevo to respond as effectively as we can to what is being increasingly identified as ‘the moral challenge’ of our time. The Gaza ordeal has cast its dark shadow across the entire planet. Our endeavor is to make the experience of the Gaza Tribunal a glimmer of light, an expression of hope against hope.

GAZA TRIBUNAL PROJECT, MAY 26-29, 2025, Sarajevo, Bosnia

 CHAMBER 1
 INTERNATIONAL LAW 
MONDAY, MAY 26
   
9:00-9:30Welcome
Rector of International University of SarajevoAhmet Yıldırım
President of the Islamic Cooperation Youth ForumTaha Ayhan
President of the Gaza TribunalRichard Falk
9:30-10:00Chamber 1 co-Chairs introduce proceedingsMichael Lynk
Susan Akram
10:00-11:45Panel 1: Nakba and Colonial Genocide
GenocideNimer Sultany
Apartheid and Self-DeterminationVictor Kattan (online)
Forced Population TransferTriestino Marinello (online)
Witness testimony: Al Haq Field ResearcherPre-recorded & translated from Arabic
Witness testimonyAhmed Abu Artema
 Witness testimonyKhaled Alhatoun (read by  )
 Witness testimonyAya Abusharakh (read by  )
 Witness testimonySherene Alsafi (read by )
   
11:45-12:15Coffee Break
12:15-14:00Panel 2: Patterns of Genocide
Political PrisonersLisa Hajjar
Right to foodFarah Al-Haddad
Reproductive systemsHeidi Matthews
 Witness testimony (prisoner – Addameer)Diala Ayash (pre-recorded, translated)
 Witness testimony (prisoner – Addameer)Ahmed Khreish (pre-recorded, translated)
 Witness testimony (prisoner – Addameer)Khader Al’ashi (pre-recorded, translated)
 Witness testimony (prisoner – Addameer)Khader Al’ashi (pre-recorded, translated)
 APN witness: Right to FoodWritten testimony read by:
14:00-15:00Lunch
15:00-16:45Panel 3: Specific Acts
Protection of CiviliansMaryam Jamshidi
 Attack on Health InfrastructureHana / read by Wesam Ahmad
Witness testimony: Gaza Soup Kitchen; UNRWA USAHani Almadhoun
Witness testimony: Volunteer physician in GazaDr. Thaer Ahmad
Witness testimony: Volunteer physician in GazaDr. Mimi Syed
16:45-17:15Closing by Co-ChairsMichael Lynk
Susan Akram
17:15-18:00Closing RemarksRaji Sourani
   
   
CHAMBER 2
 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS & WORLD ORDER 
 TUESDAY, MAY 27 
9:00-9:30Chamber 2 co-Chairs introduce proceedingsRichard Falk (online)
Craig Mokhiber (online)
9:30-10:00Panel 1: Political Realism and Contemporary Geopolitics
Political Realism Revisited and the Law of PeoplesRichard Falk (online)
Paulina Chan
10:00-11:15Panel 2: Political Economy of Genocide and Obliteration of GazaModerator:
Wesam Ahmad
Nakba, Liberation, and Decolonization Through a Political Economic Lens: from 1948 to the Gaza GenocideLara Eborno
Enforcement and the Accountability Gap: The Crime of StarvationHilal Elver (online)
Ecocidal Violence in Gaza: Is it Part of Genocide or a Separate International Crime?David Whyte (online)
Pursuing Physically Disabling Combat TacticsPenny Green
11:15-11:30Coffee break
11:30-12:15Expert Testimony
Mazin Qumsiyeh 
Sami Al Arian 
Noura Erakat (pre-recorded) – Failures of the UN 
Asmer Safi – Criminalisation of student protests 
   
12:15-14:00Lunch
14:00-15:15Panel 3: Deficiencies of the formal international normative orderModerator: Lisa Hajjar
The International System in the Age of GenocideCraig Mokhiber (online)
Looking Ahead to EnforcementPhyllis Bennis (online)
International Tribunals: The ICJ and ICCMichelle Burgis-Kasthala (online)
15:15–16:00Panel 4: GTP conception of an alternative jurisprudential legal paradigmModerator: Penny Green
Civil Society Tribunals: Meeting the Challenge of Israeli Impunity for Gaza Genocide Michelle Burgis-Kasthala (online)
Permanent Peoples TribunalGianni Tognoni
16:00-17:15Panel 5:
Activism of civil society and social movements
Moderator: Wesam Ahmad
Sumud and Self-Determination: The Enduring Legacy Against ErasureRamzy Baroud
Jewish Voices for Peace and the Ceasefire CampaignPhyllis Bennis (online)
Learning from South Africa’s Anti-Apartheid StruggleHaidar Eid (online)
17:15-17:30Break
17:30-18:30Discussion
 CHAMBER 3 
HISTORY, ETHICS & PHILOSOPHY
WEDNESDAY, MAY 28
9:00-9:30Chamber 3 co-Chairs introduce proceedingsPenny Green Cemil Aydin
9:30-10:30Panel 1: Understanding GenocideModerator: Lara Elborno
Genocide as State Crime : the importance of understanding it as a processPenny Green
Ethical Implications of the Genocide in GazaAyhan Citil
History of Ethnic Cleansing/GenocideIllan Pappe (online)
10:30-11:30Panel 2: Ideological Underpinnings – Exposing DehumanizationModerator: Cemil Aydin
Challenging the Matrix of Control/House DemolitionsJeff Halper
An Ontological Abortion of the
Enfleshed Genocidal State: The Ongoing Genocidal Nakba in Gaza
Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian (read by Penny Green)
The Unmaking of the Palestinian HomeHenrietta Zeffert
11:30-11:45Break
11:45-12:45Panel 3: Resisting GenocideModerator: Thomas MacManus
The GT ArchiveAndy Simmons
Michelle Burgis -Kasthala
Palestinian ResistanceAbed Takriti
Archaeology and the Erasure of PalestineAkram Lilja
Expert testimony: The BDS CampaignOmar Bargouti (pre-recorded)
12:45-14:00Lunch
14:00-15:00Panel 4: Ideological Underpinnings – Civilization and Weaponizing the Holocaust and Anti-Semitism
Holocaust Exceptionalism and Israel’s GenocideRaz Segal (online)
Ethnic Cleansing Through Civilisational NarrativesCemil Aydin
 The Role of the Israeli Academy in Genocide ProductionMaya Wind (pre-recorded)
15:00-16:00Media Roundtable
Peter Oborne, Jonathan Cook, Victoria Brittain,
Ezgi Basaran, Kenize Mourad
16:00-16:15Break 
   
16:15-17:00Panel 5: Cultures of ErasureModerator: Wesam Ahmad
Politics of Palestine ExceptionUssama Makdisi (online)
Zionist Culture and Genocide DenialSaree Makdisi (online)
17:00-17:30Summary of Chamber 3 ReportPenny Green Cemil Aydan
17:30-18:30Discussion of the Sarajevo Declaration
   
 DAY 4 
 THURSDAY, MAY 29 
   
09:00-10:30Srebrenica/Gaza Roundtable
10:30-11:00Coffee Break
   
11:00 – 12:00Presentation of the Sarajevo Declaration + Press Conference 
12:00-12:30Closing Remarks

.

GAZA TRIBUNAL: Program for Sarajevo Public Sesssion, May 26-29, 2025

25 May

[Prefatory Note: The Gaza Tribunal will hold its first public session, starting Monday, 10:00 AM GMT; it presents extensive reports on various dimensions of the Gaza Ordeal endured for more than 19 months by the population of the Gaza Strip, killing more than 50,000, wounding more than 100,000, and traumazing the entire population estimated at 2.3 million on October 7, 2023. As this meeting gets underway the surviving Palestinian population is being subjected to tactics of deliberate denial of food and medical supplies, and Israel leaders and public opinion is calling for extermination tactics as supplemented by forced exclusion or ethnic cleansing, not only in Gaza, but also in the West Bank. The Gaza Tribunal was formed as a civil society initiative after it became clear that neither the UN nor its member states possessed the political will or operational capabilities to stop the killing and devastation. Its intention is lend legitimacy to nonviolent civil society solidarity initiatives in support of the Palestinian struggle for basic rights. Links are available to access the streaming of the Sarajevo proceedings. <youtube.com/@gazatribunal>]

GAZA TRIBUNAL

Sarajevo Meetings – May 26-29, 2025

International University of Sarajevo


09:00 – 09:30
Welcome Speeches


CHAMBER 1: INTERNATIONAL LAW

MONDAY, MAY 26

09:30 – 10:00
Chamber 1 Co-Chairs Introduce Proceedings
Michael Lynk, Susan Akram

10:00 – 12:00
Panel 1: Nakba and Colonial Genocide

  • Genocide – Nimer Sultany
  • Apartheid and Self-Determination – Victor Kattan
  • Pre-recorded witness testimony – Al Haq field researcher
  • Pre-recorded witness testimony – Ahmed Abu Artema
  • Written witness testimony – Badil / read (3 testimonies)
  • Q&A and Discussion

12:00 – 13:00
Lunch

13:00 – 14:45
Panel 2: Patterns of Genocide

  • Political Prisoners – Lisa Hajjar
  • Right to Food – Farah Imad
  • Reproductive Systems – Heidi Matthews
  • Pre-recorded prisoner witness testimonies – Addameer
  • Pre-recorded testimony – Focal point engineer from Gaza (Arab Group for the Protection of Nature)

14:45 – 15:00
Coffee Break

15:00 – 16:30
Panel 3: Specific Acts

  • Protection of Civilians – Maryam Jamshidi
  • Attacks on Healthcare Infrastructure – Wesam Ahmad on behalf of Al Haq
  • Witness testimony: Volunteer Physician in Gaza – Dr. Thaer Ahmad
  • Witness testimony: Volunteer Physician in Gaza – Dr. Mimi Syed
  • Q&A and Discussion

16:45 – 17:30
Expert Talk
Raji Sourani


CHAMBER 2: INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS & WORLD ORDER

TUESDAY, MAY 27

09:00 – 09:30
Chamber 2 Co-Chairs Introduce Proceedings
Richard Falk, Craig Mokhiber

09:30 – 10:00
Panel 1: Political Realism and Contemporary Geopolitics

  • Political Realism Revisited and the Law of Peoples
  • Past Global Response to Genocide: A Record of Failure – Richard Falk, Paulina Chan

10:00 – 11:15
Panel 2: Political Economy of Genocide and Obliteration of Gaza
Moderator: Wesam Ahmad

  • Nakba, Liberation, and Decolonization Through a Political Economic Lens: from 1948 to the Gaza Genocide – Lara Eborno
  • Enforcement and the Accountability Gap: The Crime of Starvation – Hilal Elver
  • Ecocidal Violence in Gaza: Is it Part of Genocide or a Separate International Crime? – David Whyte
  • Pursuing Physically Disabling Combat Tactics – Penny Green

11:15 – 11:30
Coffee Break

11:30 – 12:30
Expert Testimonies
Mazin Qumsiyeh, Sami Al Arian, Azzam Tamimi, Noura Erakat

12:30 – 14:00
Lunch

14:00 – 15:00
Panel 3: Deficiencies of the Formal International Normative Order
Moderator: Lisa Hajjar

  • The International System in the Age of Genocide – Craig Mokhiber
  • Looking Ahead to Enforcement – Phyllis Bennis
  • Working with and Beyond International Courts – Michelle Burgis-Kasthala

15:00 – 15:45
Panel 4: GTP Conception of an Alternative Jurisprudential Legal Paradigm
Moderator: Penny Green

  • Peoples’ Tribunals as Alternative Justice Sites: Assessing the Role of Civil Society – Michelle Burgis-Kasthala
  • Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal – Gianni Tognoni

15:45 – 16:00
Coffee Break

16:00 – 17:15
Panel 5: Activism of Civil Society and Social Movements
Moderator: Wesam Ahmad

  • Sumud and Self-Determination: The Enduring Legacy Against Erasure – Ramzy Baroud
  • Jewish Voices for Peace and the Ceasefire Campaign – Phyllis Bennis
  • Learning from South Africa’s Anti-Apartheid Struggle – Haidar Eid
  • Criminalization of Student Protests – Asmer Safi

17:15 – 18:00
Discussion


CHAMBER 3: HISTORY, SOCIOLOGY, ETHICS & PHILOSOPHY

WEDNESDAY, MAY 28

09:00 – 09:30
Chamber 3 Co-Chairs introduce proceedings
Penny Green, Cemil Aydin

09:30 – 10:30
Panel 1: Understanding Genocide
Moderator: Lara Elborno

  • Genocide as State Crime: Understanding It as a Process – Penny Green
  • Ethical Implications of the Genocide in Gaza – Ayhan Citil
  • History of Ethnic Cleansing/Genocide – Illan Pappe

10:30 – 11:30
Panel 2: Exposing Dehumanization
Moderator: Cemil Aydin

  • Challenging the Matrix of Control/House Demolitions – Jeff Halper
  • An Ontological Abortion of the Enfleshed Genocidal State: The Ongoing Genocidal Nakba in Gaza – Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian
  • The Unmaking of the Palestinian Home – Henrietta Zeffert

11:30 – 11:45
Coffee Break

11:45 – 13:00
Panel 3: Resisting Genocide
Moderator: Thomas MacManus

  • The GT Archive – Andy Simmons, Michelle Burgis-Kasthala
  • Palestinian Resistance – Abed Takriti
  • Archaeology and the Erasure of Palestine – Akram Lilja
  • Expert testimony: The BDS Campaign – Omar Bargouti

13:00 – 14:00
Lunch

14:00 – 15:00
Panel 4: Civilization and Weaponizing the Holocaust and Anti-Semitism
Moderator: Sami Al Arian

  • Holocaust Exceptionalism and Israel’s Genocide – Raz Segal
  • Ethnic Cleansing Through Civilisational Narratives – Cemil Aydin
  • The Role of the Israeli Academy in Genocide Production – Maya Wind

15:00 – 16:15
Media Roundtable
Moderator: Mehmet Karlı
Ezgi Basaran, Victoria Brittain, Lauren Booth, Lubna Masarwa, Kenize Mourad, Peter Oborne, Assal Rad

16:15 – 16:30
Coffee Break

16:30 – 17:15
Panel 5: Cultures of Erasure
Moderator: Wesam Ahmad

  • Politics of Palestine Exception – Ussama Makdisi
  • Zionist Culture and Genocide Denial – Saree Makdisi

17:15 – 17:30
Summary of Chamber 3 Report
Penny Green, Cemil Aydın

17:30 – 18:00
Final Discussion of the Sarajevo Declaration


DAY 4

THURSDAY, MAY 29

09:00 – 10:00
Srebrenica/Gaza Special Panel
Moderator: Ahmet Köroğlu
Panelists: Arnesa Buljušmić-Kustura, Harun Halilović, Mustafa Cerić

10:00 – 10:45
Expert Talk
Taha Abdurrahman

10:45 – 11:00
Break

11:00 – 12:00
Presentation of the Sarajevo Declaration of the Gaza Tribunal + Press Conference


PUBLIC ASSEMBLY

May 26-29, 2025

JOIN US LIVE ON YOUTUBE

youtube.com/@gazatribunal

SHAPE (Saving Humanity and Planet Earth: Statement on Gaza Ordeal

25 May

[Prefatory Note: SHAPE is an international network of persons sensitive to the imperatives of human unity and the guardianship of the natural habitat in accordance ecological wisdom that illuminates paths of resilience and adaptation. In this era of predatory capitalism, imperial geopolitics, and surging fascism we as a leaspecies need to think, feel, and act differently to avoid catastrophe, and do so in a spirit of urgency. Please distribute this statement and contact us if you wish to endorse and join our efforts.]

In the name of humanity, the barbarism in Gaza must stop

Over the last eighteen months the world has witnessed undiluted militarised cruelty targeting the entire population and the supportive natural habitat of Gaza – with not so much as an ounce of mercy or compassion, let alone justice, or sensitivity to issues of ecological viability.

No one has been spared in this onslaught: not civilians, not children, women or the elderly, not humanitarian workers or UN personnel overseeing the distribution of aid, not homes, schools, places of worship, or hospitals.

No logic can begin to explain or justify this genocidal policy of indiscriminate maiming and killing, or the calculated and systematic starvation of the already traumatized Palestinian population. These and other unspeakable atrocities leave us with just two words to describe the conduct of the cabal presently ruling the State of Israel: pure evil

Faced with such vicious behaviour, humanity has but one option: to call out the evil and take appropriate action to put an end to such outrageous conduct.

In the name of humanity we therefore call on all peoples and governments to:

  1. Terminate all transactions with the State of Israel that relate to military capabilities until a just and lasting peace settlement has been reached, which gives effect to the inalienable right of Palestinian self-determination. This embargo should include:
  2. A ban on the export of all weapons and dual-use equipment as well as ammunition, whether supplied directly or through a third party
  3. A ban on the import of all Israeli weapons and military technology
  4. A cessation of all other forms of military cooperation, including joint operations/exercises/logistics and communications initiatives, intelligence cooperation and sharing, and expert exchanges and visits
  5. A ban on all financing arrangements designed to facilitate the above activities.
  6. Break diplomatic relations with the State of Israel until a complete and durable ceasefire has been established across all the Occupied Palestinian Territories.
  7. Seek the exclusion of Israeli participation in international cultural and sporting events and call for national boycotts of foreign and domestic cultural and sporting happenings until a complete and durable ceasefire has been established across all the Occupied Palestinian Territories.
  8. Apply maximum pressure on those governments that have been Israel’s primary backers, notably the United States, Britain and Germany, to cease forthwith any support of Israel’s inhuman conduct in Gaza and Palestine as a whole.
  9. Support and financially contribute to the Arab plan for Gaza’s reconstruction formally adopted by the Organization of Islamic Cooperation in March 2025, and to this end call for an immediate UN-sponsored international summit, open to all supportive governments, relevant regional organisations and sympathetically disposed civil society, philanthropic and business organisations. The reconstruction process in Gaza and the proposed international summit should be mindful of Palestinian rights, especially the right of self-determination as applicable to all developments pertaining to Israeli Occupied Palestine.
  10. Encourage nonviolent solidarity initiatives by civil society, both individual and collective action of the sort that proved helpful in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. A mobilized people can change history, and bring political evil to an abrupt end, especially where, as is the case in Gaza, a severe humanitarian emergency exists.

Such measures on the part of states need to be complemented and reinforced by resolute, collective action at the UN General Assembly. A special session of the General Assembly should be urgently called to denounce the heinous crimes being committed in Gaza and the West Bank and the constant threats to cleanse Palestine of its people by measures of forced displacement.

The General Assembly should consider and adopt a series of resolutions which demand:

  1. An immediate ceasefire in all parts of Palestine, Lebanon, Iraq, Syria and adjacent areas
  2. The establishment of  a UN peacekeeping contingent of sufficient strength to monitor and supervise the ceasefire and deter in timely fashion actions that would lead to a renewal of violence
  3. The unimpeded flow of water, food, fuel and medicines to Gaza
  4. Strong measures designed to protect humanitarian aid workers, health and medical personnel, and agencies and institutions engaged in the running of hospitals, clinics, kitchens and other essential services  
  5. Decisive measures to enable journalists and media personnel to carry out their duties in safe and secure environments.   

We also request the world’s religious organisations to issue a call addressing from a spiritual and ethical perspective the evil of genocide as it continues to unfold in Gaza. They are uniquely placed to set forth the ethical criteria that should govern an agreement on the cessation of all military hostilities in the Occupied Territories and the creation of just and durable peace in Palestine. 

Since October 2023, millions have exposed and protested against Israel’s conduct in Gaza. They have succeeded in raising the level of global public awareness even though their cries for humanity and justice have thus far gone unheeded. The complicity of the rich and the powerful have stood in the way.

People of good will everywhere must now redouble their efforts in solidarity with the Palestinian people. They must peacefully and resolutely unite their voices and work closely together for as long as it takes.

A powerful global dialogue for a just peace in Palestine that brings together people of diverse social, cultural and religious background is a primary ethical imperative of our time. So is accountability, which means punitive action against leaders of the State of Israel and the complicit enabler governments, including imposing obligations to pay reparations to the victimised population of Gaza and contributions to the funding of reconstruction.

Issued on behalf of SHAPE and its Coordinating Committee by

Professor Emeritus Richard Falk, Dr Chandra Muzaffar and Professor Emeritus Joseph Camilleri

SHAPE Co-Conveners

22 May 2025

Email: savinghumanityandplanetearth@gmail.com

Website www.theshapeproject.com/

An Open Letter to the Democratic Party: Right and Wrong Ways of Opposing Trump, Fascist Tendencies in 2025

7 May

[Prefatory Note: the opinion commentary below was published in slightly modified form in CounterPunch on May 6, 2925. A short epilogue is appended to this version.]

An Open Letter to the Democratic Party

A Perspective of Discontent

Ever since Trump’s electoral victory in November 2024 I have been receiving multiple daily solicitations for funds to support the Democratic Party, individual Democratic candidates for Congress or State Offices, and notification of worthy campaigns on public issues such as the protection of Social Security, Medicare, and reproductive rights, as well as on voter protection measures in various forms. I am personally sympathetic with robust resistance to this perverse and dangerous Republican effort to dismantle democracy and constitutional governance in the United States by taking giant steps toward legitimating autocratic rule with fascist features of arbitrary violence and cruelty without empathy and decency.

I expect many will be critical of what I write here as a diversion from attacking the main targets of concern: a White House out of control, a subjugated Republican Congress that does Trump’s bidding as if composed of automatons, and a Supreme Court that endorses the subversive shTrump ethos 90% of the time and is due to be further ‘packed’ with Trumpists in coming years.

My response to this litany of political challenges: recent Democratic Party failures of style and practice deserve to be treated as overdue occasions for self-criticism, and the criticisms of a disappointed ally can be restorative, at least indirectly. At least it is motivated by constructive goals associated with rethinking the relation of money to political competition for support as well as a plea to address controversial issues of foreign policy in a forthright manner, and hopefully in the spirit of our ‘better angels.’

Funding Entrapment Techniques

Against this background, I find myself increasingly alienated by procedural and substantive aspects of the chosen approach being taken by the Democratic Party leadership to oppose such an undesirable and frightening set of developments in the governance of the country. On procedural issues, besides crudely reducing electoral politics to matters of raising money for electoral campaigns, giving the impression to the voting public that democratic politics is little more than a continuous funding appeal. This is the increasingly overt posture of the Democratic Party establishment in recent years. Without overlooking the importance of funding, I find this shift of emphasis from ideas to money deeply distressing.

It lends itself to ultra-manipulative fundraising tactics. This outlook employs a variety of techniques to induce presumed liberal voters with a high frequency to take an opinion survey by responding to simplistic, almost rhetorical, questions about the Trump agenda as opposed to a preferred Democratic alternative. Not a word is mentioned that the survey is a sleeper leadup to a mandatory monetary contribution without which the survey cannot be completed. Gullible respondents are given a fool’s choice between opting out after taking the time to answer the several pages of questions and committing to make a monetary contribution. This is clearly a funding entrapment mechanism that I found alienating in spirit and form.

The choice foisted upon an innocent respondent is to pay or abort the survey. My objection may seem trivial, even captious, but reliance on such technique exhibits a mentality of deception that more and more dominates bipartisan relations of the two political parties with their own followers, and of course with the citizenry as a whole. And not only in relation to electoral politics but across the entire spectrum of public concerns. To restore trust and animate robust activism the Democratic Party needs to cultivate reasoned honesty, however radical, and abandon its present style of hysterical rhetoric pretending either that all is won or everything lost by proclaiming liberal intentions or the significance of Trump’s anger or stumbles in exaggerated language that is incongruous with the grim realities of the political sphere. National policy prospects are bleak enough without resorting to hollow exaggerations (claiming tears of joy or panic) that annoy rather than motivate, much less enlighten.

An Escapist Nationalist Policy Agenda

If anything, my substantive objections to Democratic Party mobilizing tactics are more serious and raise my concerns to such a level of disillusionment that I am teetering on the brink of withdrawing support, financial and otherwise, from the Democratic Party. I am appalled that the party establishment continues to adopt a posture of total silence with regard to US foreign policy, which encourages an interpretation of continuing unconditional support for Israel despite its transparent and prolonged Gaza genocide. Such criminality itself thinly disguises Israel’s territorial objectives that depend upon coerced ethnic cleansing of Gaza and the West Bank.

Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s censure of those who stayed on the sidelines in the struggle against South African apartheid is fully applicable here: “It is my conviction that if we are neutral in situations of injustice, we have chosen the side of the oppressor.” To be silent is even more morally tone deaf than to be neutral. It was Kamala Harris’s silence on hot issues, including but not limited to Gaza, that quite likely led to Trump’s victory last November and certainly undermined her leadership credibility for the future. To play it safe to avoid controversy amounts to the self-neutering of political identity that has long plagued liberal politics by being shamelessly pragmatic rather than principled when it comes to the hard issues that have arisen over the years in US foreign policy. If Harris had expressed either measured and informed opposition to Israel’s policies or even ventured her own Biden-free rationale for continuity of US policy in the Middle East, she would have earned respect rather than indifference, even scorn. If she had not distanced herself from controversy during her listless campaign for the presidency, she might now be heading a revitalized opposition rather than feebly mending fences with a stunned public helplessly watching de-democratization proceed daily without an energizing sense of credibly fighting back.

This unseemly silence by the Democratic Party leadership and liberal media on Israel/Palestine extends to foreign policy in general. Outsiders perceive an America that wants to run the world and is willing to pay the price of doing so but is indifferent to how or why. To be disappointed by Trump only because of his wrecking ball approach to a liberal domestic agenda while overlooking global issues is beyond misleading – it verges on insanity given the nature of the global challenges facing Americans, and indeed all of humanity. It means indifference to the UN, the diplomacy of war and peace, foreign aid, relations with China and Russia, nuclear disarmament, AI, robotics, and support for international law and morality. Its willed blindness surpasses the monkey that sees no evil!

If Trump is subtly attacked for building walls, not bridges, the Democrats are not far behind. It is hard to reconcile this inward turn with their overwhelming support for a huge ‘peacetime’ budget to fund the military while the poor at home suffer and the infrastructure rots. It is hard to explain the disparity between this investment in the world that excites the global imperialists in Washington of both political parties dream about and the measured pursuit of humane forms of sustainable governance that the leaders of the Democratic Party should be championing to meet 21st century challenges at home and internationally. Among the mistakes being made is to suppose that a costly hegemonic foreign policy can be divorced from a humane dedication to domestic priorities. The Democratic Party seems intent on promoting such a divorce, which invites a deep misunderstanding of the linkages between disappointment at home and running the world by relying on a militarized geopolitics.

To explain my discomfort with this presumed disinterest of US voters in anything beyond their borders and to show that I was not overstating this mood of apparent contentment with a walled in America, I list the issues selected in a typical recent funding appeal by the Democratic Party that polls Democrats about their main concerns as a prelude to a funding appeal. The only issue on this list that might justify inclusion in a foreign policy agenda is ‘addressing the climate crisis.’ Even climate concerns so described might be understood as no less domestic than the others given its wording, differing from Trump only with respect to not dismissing global warming as a hoax. The list below copies the exact language used in typical Democratic Party appeals:

“Which of the following best describes why you support Democrats? (Select all that apply.)

I believe in addressing the climate crisis.

I believe in creating more good-paying jobs and supporting unions.

I believe in reproductive freedom.

I believe in affordable health care.

I believe in protecting and expanding rights for the LGBTQ+ community.

I believe in protecting Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security.

I believe in protecting democracy and the right to vote.

I believe in moving our country forward, not backward.

I believe in protecting critical federal services for working people, veterans, children, and the elderly.

I believe in strong, stable leadership.

All of the above

Other:”

Concluding Remarks

My final assessment of this recipe for despair, and continuing defeat, is that without a revitalized internationalism, America’s prospects are dismal at home as well in the world. Unless the Democratic Party reconstitutes itself with a sense of urgency the nation’s future will remain under a darkening sky. To restore hope that is not a cover for ‘wishful thinking’ requires reconnecting what we wish for at home with what we do abroad. Without adding demilitarization and denuclearization to the policy agenda the challenges facing the country and the world will continue to be misconceived. Without dedication to the prevention of and opposition to genocide, apartheid, and ecocide, prospects for cooperative problem-solving in multilateral venues will not be forthcoming. As well, without a stronger United Nations that rejects the primacy of geopolitics, any hopes for humane global governance, let alone war prevention and nuclear disarmament, will be in vain.

Perhaps it is too much to wish for, but by recourse to  ‘a politics of impossibility’ I would like to believe that the leaders of the Democratic Party are still capable of listening to loyal voices of disillusionment. Revisions of messaging to the faithful is only the tip of the iceberg. The underlying challenge is to make opposition to Trump evolve a transformational vision of how to frame political and economic agendas for a brighter future at home and abroad, and that means stepping into the sunlight of truthfulness and controversy, which should in any event be the lifeblood of a healthy democracy.

Forum on Nuclear Weapons and Global Order

3 May

On Monday, May 5, a Forum at Columbia University will feature Jeffrey Sachs, world renowned public intellectual and Ivana Hughes, charismatic President of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation, in a discussion, which I am also honored to take part. I hope as many of subscribers will attend online.

Here is the link, the time is 4:45 EDT.

ttps://us02web.zoom.us/j/81521733678?pwd=IN1ItX3mclbNJi0gBIxTd2kUgszywB.1

Meeting ID: 815 2173 3678

Passcode: 424699

Resisting Genocide in a Geopolitical World Order

2 May

[Prefatory Note: The post below was originally published by the Qods News Agency in English and Farsi versions in later April 2025. It is here republished in modified form, although the initial questions are retained. The central issue considered is the primacy of geopolitics in relation to international law, global justice, and universal morality. Consideration is given to the role of international law in activating civil society by legitimating resistance in the face of severe instances of direct and indirect criminal wrongdoing—humanitarian intervention, civic solidarity initiatives, peoples tribunals]

  1. As you know, Israel resumed its relentless bombing of Gaza and has shattered the Gaza ceasefire with Hamas adopted on 19 January. Israel has resumed weaponizing starvation in Gaza by its decision to break the ceasefire agreement. Israel has broken international law by blocking aid to Gaza. What’s your opinion? What should we do to stop the Israeli crimes against Palestinians?  How can the international community help Palestinians get rid of the Israeli occupation?

Response: A useful starting point is the realization that despite the views of a strong majority of governments representing most peoples of the world are opposed to the post-October 7 criminality of Israel in Gaza. And despite this, the organized international community as centered in the UN has proved helpless to enforce the basic provisions of the UN Charter and international law in this situation even in the face of a humanitarian emergency that urgently needs to be stopped, not just for the sake of the Palestinian victims, but for the credibility of humanity with respect to upholding the basic elements of the right to life. These conditions making international action imperative are reinforced by near unanimous interim rulings of the International Court of Justice and International Criminal Court that have been angrily rejected by Israel, and arrogantly regarded as ‘without legal merit’ by Israel’s strongest supportive, complicit governments in North America and Europe.

What has become clear in this process is that the UN was not designed to be effective whenever, as here, adherence to international law (and morality) clashes with the strategic interests and geopolitical role of one or more of the five permanent membersof the Security Council, UN’s the only organ with enforcement authority. Each of these five, known as the P5, enjoys a right of veto that legally nullifies majoritarian preferences, and introduces an anti-democratic component into the core functioning of the UN. It is instructive to realize that when it comes to peace, security, and fundamental human rights the UN was never intended to be a new framework for world order.

The UN from the start was a winners’ framework based, as earlier in what was regarded as an ‘anarchic society in which the prevalence of power in relation to law in contexts of clash was taken for granted and seen to be ingrained in international practice. To appease public opinion this underlying reality was somewhat disguised by the lofty idealistic language of the Preamble to the Charter.  If this was not the intention of the founders of the UN it would make no sense to give the winners in 1945, the world’s most dangerous political actors, a path to total impunity for all that they might undertake, however destructive of a global rule of law, to promote national interests in war/peace and conflict situations. If as some have argued, the intention was to recognize inequality or civilizational diversity as architectural features of world order, then it made no sense not to give India and Brazil seats at the table or Indonesia (the most populous Islamic state) or Nigeria (for Africa) and Brazil (for Latin America). The failure to institutionalize these other criteria of inequality exhibited both ‘a winner.takes all approach to global order’ in combination with taking steps to assure the enduring dominance of global order by the Global North.

In light of this, if the peoples or governments of the world seriously seek the enforcement of international law as pronounced by the ICJ in the face of a P5 SC veto, we must turn to civil society activism. What the near unanimous interim rulings of the ICJ on 26 March 2024 and its strong Advisory Opinion of 19 July 2024 establish beyond any reasonable doubt is the existence of a crippling enforcement gap with respect to the implementation of international law. Past instances, including the anti-war movement that challenged the US-initiated Vietnam War and the anti-apartheid campaign that struggle against South African racism, suggest that the mobilization of civil society in relation to law and justice can contribute to closing this gap in situation that find international institutions and governments paralyzed, or worse, are to varying degrees complicit.

There is a creative interaction present in relation to Israel’s criminal course of action in Gaza. Despite the enforcement gap judicial institutions are influential sources of legitimacy that lend credibility to a variety of global solidarity initiatives, including BDS (boycott, divestment, and sanctions), pressuring governments to enact arms embargoes, mass protests, declarations by organized labor and faith community, civil disobedience and self-immolation, and others. Such a mobilization on a global scale is already spontaneously happening to some extent and may have already reached a tipping point that exerts decisive pressure, especially on Israel and United States, although not yet with discernable behavioral results that bring closure to the Palestinian ordeal. The cruel repression of protest activity in the US and Israel is both a reactive demonstration of the growing effectiveness and of the shameless refusal of liberal democracies to coordinate their behavior with their self-righteous claims to be champions of international human rights norms, benevolently guiding ‘a rules-governed world’ that brings stability to international political and economic life.

I am personally associated with the Gaza Tribunal Project that seeks to encourage civil society nonviolent action to be undertaken in a spirit of solidarity with the Palestinian struggle for basic rights, above all the inalienable right of self-determination. The GTP does not seek to be a substitute for the ICJ when it comes to identifying authoritative legal guidelines for the peoples of the world. This civil society tribunal was formed and dedicated to overcoming the enforcement gap. It is also committed to delimiting the accountability, complicity, and information gaps as well as to the establishment and maintenance of a permanent archive and permanent record of the Gaza Genocide, including its spillover effects in the West Bank and elsewhere in the Middle East.  

  • Ansarullah (known in the Western media as ‘the Houthis’) said that Yemen will not back down from continuing its support operations for the Palestinian people until the Israeli aggression on Gaza stops and the siege is lifted. Ansarullah officials affirmed that Yemen’s stance on Palestine stems from religious, national, and moral principles. Ansarullah vowed to continue their military operations against Israel and US forces in the region. How do you evaluate the Yemeni people and Ansarullah stance in support of innocent Palestinian people.

Response: Ansarullah (‘helpers of God’ in Arabic; a reference to Houthis in Yemen; an ongoing party in the long unresolved civil war for unified control of Yemeni governance) assertions declarative of the Houthi commitment to solidarity with the Palestinian liberation is an admirable example of an ethnic group acting in a self-sacrificing, brotherly manner in the face of continuing genocide victimizing a kindred long repressed ethnicity. It strikes both substantive and symbolic blows against the criminal actions of Israel and the complicity of the US and other supporters of this transparent genocide enacted in real time, consummated by the commission of daily atrocities brought to the eyes and ears of the world’s peoples in the digital age.

It is a sad commentary on contemporary world order that so few governments and ethnicities, express by their words and even more by their deeds, a comparable passion to that of Yemeni Houthis. It is further revealing that those few governments that do exhibit some visible degree of solidarity with the Palestinian struggle are all situated in the Global South. It suggests that even after the formal collapse of colonialism, the US Government continues to project western imperial power through its political and economic leverage, and militarism. These domineering characteristics of post-Cold War global order are sustained by a worldwide network of military bases, regime-changing interventions, and navies in every ocean.

The result since the end of the Cold War is a new unified form of geopolitical governance of the planet. This US-led dominance is an alternative to either the moderate decentralism of sovereign states or a more centralized world order system administered by democratic regional and global institutions. A third possibility, not yet tested or legitimated, although glimpsed in the warnings of Samuel Huntington, first set forth in 1992, that the sequel to the Cold War would not be a peaceful world order, but a clash of civilizations. This would amount to some sort of hybrid arrangement bonding regional or civilizational political orders with global institutions on one side and sovereign states on the other. At this time, such a form of hybridity is dramatized by the fate of the Palestinian people, with several white western states aligned with Israel while diverse Islamic political forces actively support the Palestinian struggle by forcible resistance..  

  • Israel is coming under increasing international criticism over its handling of the    war in Gaza. Millions of people around the world have taken part in protests against Israel’s war crimes. Protesters voiced outrage over what they described as war crimes committed by Israel in the besieged Gaza Strip and demanded immediate international action. What’s your opinion that Israel is becoming more and more isolated due to its genocide?

Response: I think it is true that this last post-ceasefire resumption of the genocidal assault on the people of Gaza, cruelly implemented by Israel’s weaponization of food shortages, polluted water, and medical supplies, facilities, and personnel has isolated Israel as a toxic rogue state among the peoples of the world. It has also posed the greatest moral/political/legal challenge of the 21st Century to the entire world of states, institutions, and peoples.

The ICJ in its authoritative Advisory Opinion of 19 July 2024 as overwhelmingly endorsed by the UN General Assembly in one of the most important acts of the long existence of the GA expressed by a vote of 124 in favor, 14 opposed, and 43 abstentions. This judicial action put a reasoned end to the lawfulness of the further administration of Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) by Israel during the 1967 War. [A/RES/ES-1024; revealingly, the original request with the closer vote came on 11 November 2022, that is before October 7, 2023 while the latter vote in September 2024 (or 11 months after the attack on Gaza) by the GA to the ICJ for an AO on the OPT enjoyed only a narrow margin of support with a vote of 87-26(opposed)-53(abstentions)] The resolution in the GA after ICJ’s judgment ordering Israel to end its ‘unlawful presence’ in OPT, including East Jerusalem no later than 12 months from the date of the GA Resolution on 19 September 2024. This was a clear sign that even among governments, Israel had a lower reputational standing in view of carry out its Gaza policy in the interval between the two GA actions. Equally significant was the ICJ pronouncement that the UN as an organization as well as member states in their individual capacity had a legal obligation to implement the legal findings in the Advisory Opinion. In effect, it was not just ‘advice’ from the ICJ but ‘mandatory guidance’ as interpreted and pronounced by the ICJ. Of course, it remains doubtful that either the ICJ or GA possesses the political traction to overcome the enforcement gap even in the face of this strong appeal by the most respected international institution, confirming even in relation to transparent and prolonged genocide that geopolitics retains its primacy in international relations..

Whether this isolation of Israel will be facilitated by militant civil society initiatives is a currently unanswerable question. The legal and moral foundations for such militancy exist. It is now a matter of whether a sufficient political will exists to prompt sufficient action along these solidarity lines. Also relevant is whether governments in the non-West are prepared to take a greater role in sheltering such civic action and activists from various forms of backlash organized by Israel and implemented by the formidable Zionist network of support that exerts considerable direct and indirect influence, especially in the US and parts of Europe, not only as a junior partner to the US effort to be a regional hegemon in the Middle East, but through reviving memories of Jewish victimization during the Holocaust and a more wide ranging ‘weaponization of antisemitism.’.

Hailing Francesca Albanese’s Second Three Year Term

16 Apr

[Prefatory Note: Over time, the role of the Special Rapporteur as established by the UN Human Rights Council to investigate and report upon Israel violations of human rights in Palestinian Territories Occupied since 1967, has gradually assumed increasing importance as a source of reliable information and enlightening analysis. The position of SR is both unpaid and demanding, and is aggravated recently by often harmful and always hurtful defamatory attacks from pro-Israeli NGOs, most notably UN Watch based in Geneva and NGO Monitor with headquarters in New York City. It is a fact that the SR influence has grown over time as have the intensity of these attacks on the SR truth-bearing messengers. The mean spirited attacks seem to have as their main purpose a diversion of attention away from the message. Ms. Albanese’s experience was preceded by that of the SR signatories of the support letter below. Our milder although similar experience of defamation is set forth in the course of a book entitled Protecting Human Rights in Occupied Palestine: Working Through the United Nations, Clarity Press, 2022,  with a forward by Ms. Albanese.

This double dynamic has reached its climax during the first three-year term of Francesca Albanese tenure as SR that happened to coincide with Israel’s genocidal response to the October 7 Hamas-led attack, which instead of opposition elicited the active complicity of North American and leading European governments and the passive complicity of Arab and many other governments around the world, with a few notable exceptions, including South Africa, Colombia, and Chile. In this period, the excellence of Ms. Albanese’s SR reports made a major impact on civil society awareness. They added professional competence as to why allegations of Israeli genocide were well-grounded in law and fact. Her energetic and courageous high visibility talks in all parts of the world at the invitation of a great variety of organizations made her a prime target of vicious smears by Zionist support groups, especially in the West, characterizing her without a shred of evidence as ‘a notorious antisemite.’ As with Israeli bombing of Gaza, Israel’s acknowledged intention is not to be accurate but to inflict maximum damage. In this case, the battlefields are symbolic yet the blood of victims spills.

This pattern of increased reliance on SR reports also reflects an awareness of Israel’s formidable, sophisticated, and well-funded efforts to shape the public discourse on Israel/Palestine, and the acceptance by the most influential Western media platforms of a one-sided approach that gives consistent priority to Israel’s spin on developments in Gaza and the West Bank. The separate reports of the SR to the Human Rights Council and General Assembly each year have become the go-to source trustworthy relevant information and analysis for anyone seeking objective assessments of the ongoing  Palestinian ordeal, now reaching a peak with the connivance of the Trump presidency and a totally subservient Congress.

We welcome this opportunity to congratulate Francesco Albanese on the renewal of her second three-year term, and take note of the shameful effort of Israel, US, Germany, and a few other UN members to end the Mandate concerned with Occupied Palestine altogether. Given the personal abuse to which she was subjected, it is a tribute to Ms. Albanese commitment and courage that she is willing to endure further abuse for another three years.

We celebrate her achievements, and join with those who feel that a Nobel Peace Prize would be a highly deserved recognition of her contributions to peace and justice to so recognize her achievements. Some are even suggesting that her credentials of service to the UN while under fire make her an ideal candidate to become the first female Secretary General of the Organization. The UN needs a person that can take the heat of abusive criticism at a time when the UN’s most powerful member is an undisguised opponent of internationalism and even cooperative problem-solving on a global scale. Given these realities it is almost inconceivable that such an inspirational choice will be made at the UN any time soon. Among other hurdles, it would only become technically possible in the highly unlikely event that the five permanent members of the Security Council gave their approval.

Should I ever be asked, Francesca would certainly receive my vote based on her extraordinary performance but also as an expression of my hopes for a stronger, more relevant UN in the future when called upon with a sense of urgency to stop genocide and uphold global security in the manner set forth in the UN Charter.]

\\\*****////SR Letter to Jürg Lauber\\\*****///

3 April 2025

To your excellency, Jürg Lauber, President of the Human Rights Council;

We write as former Special Rapporteurs of the Palestinian Territories Occupied since 1967 with reference to the reappointment of Francesca Albanese to this position. We are conversant with her work since becoming Special Rapporteur, which we commend, and for Jürg Laubers the basis for this message of enthusiastic support for her reappointment, which we understand is scheduled to be voted on 4 April 2025.

We have learned that a small number of governmental members of the HRC have indicated their intention to vote against Ms. Albanese. We find this show of opposition to be irresponsible and harmful to the United Nations, which stands for excellence of performance combined with accuracy and objectivity of analysis. Ms. Albanese has been confronted with extreme behavior on the part of Israel, including flagrant instances of disregard of basic provisions of international humanitarian law, international human rights law, and the Genocide and Apartheid Conventions, as well as those obligations incumbent on an Occupying Power to extend protection to the civilian population of the Occupied society in all circumstances. With insight and careful research Albanese has called world attention to these patterns of wrongdoing as is her duty as Special Rapporteur.

Against this background of Israel’s lawlessness, Ms. Albanese, by her reports and public appearances has brought these patterns of Israeli violation of international law to the attention of millions all over the planet. She is trusted by the many of the most influential media platforms and is a frequent participant in webinars, academic conferences, and media events. Under the most difficult of circumstances, she is doing exactly what she is supposed to do as a UN SR. Having ourselves been attacked unfairly and inaccurately when similarly acting on behalf of the UN we feel great sympathy for our friend Francesca who has been mercilessly smeared and misrepresented in this unseemly effort by Israel and its partisans to shift attention from her message to her alleged lack of credibility as a messenger due to the diversionary slur of being a ‘virulent antisemite.’

As suggested, we not only ardently support reappointment, but believe the work of Ms Albanese should be formally acknowledged and praised by the top echelons of UN officials. In our judgment, she has received in the past insufficient support in carrying out difficult missions on behalf of the UN in her unpaid role as SR operating in a particularly dangerous atmosphere. She has the right to expect to be insulated from such irresponsible and false invective. We hope that you will be able to congratulate Francesca Albanese after she is reappointed tomorrow.

Respectfully yours,

John Dugard, Richard Falk, and Michael Lynk

\\\******///

CHOOSING NAMES: parenting begins

15 Apr

[Prefatory Note: This poem was initially published in TRANSCEND Media Service (TMS) on April 14, 2025. It is by the Hawaiian poet, Puanani Burgess, who also engages in healing and reconciliation activities. It made me think that we who have brought children into the world have often been complacent when it comes to giving them names, which can be lifelong gifts or unwanted challenges. When we name our child it ideally manifests love and our hopes, offering guidance at the unconscious levels of being, and if lucky, of becoming, telling us of who we are and wish to be. I thank Puanani Burgess for making me think of naming as our initial, sometimes pre-natally expressed, act of parenting.]

Choosing My Name

                        Puanani Burgess

When I was born my mother gave me three names:
Christabelle, Yoshie, and Puanani
Christabelle was my “English” name,
My social security card name,
My school name,
The name I gave when teachers asked me for my “real” name
A safe name

Yoshie was my home name
My everyday name,
The name that reminded my father’s family
That I was Japanese, even though
My nose, hips, and feet were wide,
The name that made me acceptable to them
Who called my Hawaiian mother kuroi mame (black bean),
A saving name

Puanani is my chosen name
My piko name connecting me back to the ‘āina
And the kai and the po’e kahiko
My blessing, my burden,
My amulet, my spear

                        Puanani Burgess

********************

Hawaiian Word Definitions:

  • kuroi = black
  • ‘aina = land
  • piko = belly button
  • kai = ocean
  • po’e kahiko = ancestors

__________________________________________________________

Choosing My Name” is a poem written by Hawaiian author, Puanani Burgess. It can be found in her book, Growing Up Local: An anthology of poetry and prose from Hawai’i.

Puanani Burgess (1947 -2024) was a poet, priest, aunty, and friend to many. She was a community activist in the Native Hawaiian sovereignty movement for over fifty years. As the designer and facilitator for Building the Beloved Community – a process that brings ceremony, storytelling, and circles of trust and respect – Aunty Pua shared Native Hawaiian practices throughout the world to bring healing and reconciliation. She served as the Myles and Zilphia Horton Chair for the Highlander Research and Education Center in Tennessee and as a community scholar in residence at the Department of Urban and Regional Planning at the University of Hawai’i. Aunty Pua was an ordained Zen Buddhist priest in the International Daihonzan Chozen-ji.

“You want to make a difference? Then start by looking within.” – Aunty Puanani Burgess

Will the UN Pillory Francesca Albanese?

3 Apr

[Prefatory Note: The post below is based on my responses to Murat Sofuoglu, a journalist working for TRT World in Turkey devoted to the Reappointment of Francesca Albanese, published on 4/3/25. Although the article relies on the interview, its tone and content are quite different. This is another pivotal moment for the UN, and specifically for its Human Rights Council, raising the question whether the Organization is subject to geopolitical manipulation in addressing controversial issues that test the UN’s political independence. Tomorrow the UN Human Rights Council Assembly of Governments will vote on whether to reappoint Francesca Albanese as Special Rapporteur for Occupied Palestinian Territories for a second term of three years. She has been accused of ‘virulent antisemitism’ in carrying out this controversial role.]

Will the UN Pillory Francesca Albanese?

1. How do you feel about her mandate extension vote on April 4?

The renewal of a Special Rapporteur mandate after three years for an additional and final term of three years completes six years of unpaid voluntary service to the UNHuman Rights Council. Having known many SRs, especially during my own six years as SR for Occupied Palestine (2008-2014), I encountered not a single case of non-renewal for a second term as SR. Unlike the initial appointment, which is by consensus, that is, there must be no dissenting votes by governments that are members of the Human Rights Council, the second three-year term is by majority vote.

In the case of Francesca Albanese, the argument for her approval is overwhelmingly strong. She has displayed great energy and commitment in meeting the challenge of this sensitive position despite encountering irresponsible opposition since day one to her performance at every turn led by the Israeli partisan civil society organization, UN Watch. She has been repeatedly attacked as an antisemite, which is totally a totally defamatory smear that has been repeated by Israeli media and lobbying organizations around the world even influencing Western governments to varying degrees. Similar attacks, although less ferocious, have been directed at each of the three SRs that preceded Francesca Albanese. Knowing her well, I can affirm that she is a person of the highest moral character, a true champion of human rights, and someone who is entirely free from prejudice against any ethnicity, including of course the Jewish people. At the same time, she is an unsparing critic of Israel as a state guilty of settler colonial policies and practices that made the Palestinian people suffer extreme harm and hardships since 1948. Isreal and its minions around the world have increasingly relied on a ‘politics of diversion,’ which has meant in this setting to shift as much attention as possible away from the message and toward the credibility of the messenger.

2. Do you believe that she will be reappointed as Special Rapporteur by the UN Human Rights Council?

If Albanese is not reappointed it will be greatly damaging to the reputation of the UN, and particularly the Human Rights Council as it would represent a punitive response to her courageous diligence and overall competence that warrants praise and unconditional support given the surrounding circumstances. She has produced the most widely read and influential SR reports in the entire history of the HRC during her first term, which coincided with a period of Israeli behavior widely condemned by world public opinion as an instance of transparent genocide reported to the world in real time by virtue of digital age communications. Her two reports on Israeli genocide are carefully researched and presented in accord with the highest scholarly standards and widely discussed in the media and academic gatherings. Instead of her appointment coming under special scrutiny, her performance should be celebrated as contributing to a knowledge-based understanding of the relations between state violence and international criminal law in the context of allegations of genocide.

3. How do you see pro-Israeli opposition against her reappointment?

It seems likely that Israel, although not a member of the HRC, will go all out in denouncing Albanese, and treat her as the poster child of UN antisemitic hostility to Israel, a country that Israeli supporters argue is being held to higher standards than any other country in the world only because it is a self-proclaimed Jewish state. Such a propagandistic contention ducks the substantive question as to whether Israel has responded to the October 7 Hamas attack by engaging in practices that violate the Genocide Convention.

It is quite likely, although far from certain, that the heavy load of opposing Albanese will be carried by UN Watch, a notorious NGO that unconditionally defends every Israeli atrocity by engaging in repeated character assassinations of those like Albanese are brave enough to mount fact- and law-based criticisms. The recent withdrawal of the US from the HRC is probably helpful from the perspective of weakening pressure on Western governments to oppose her reappointment, although a few European states have expressed opposition to the reappointment of Albanese and indicate that that they might vote against her. It is possible that unconvincing allegations of receiving funding and paid travel in violation of UN rules could be brought up in the HRC debate to discredit her in the course of a debate prior to the vote.

It is also possible that Israel will see the writing on the wall, and not further tarnish its own reputation by openly opposing such a qualified candidate for reappointment, but doubtful. Israel is more likely to seize the occasion as one more way to castigate the UN for spreading venomous slander by shielding anti-Israel personnel and promoting their racist attitudes. This is shameful, of course, in view of Israel’s own criminal behavior being convincingly condemned by the International Court of Justice and International Criminal Court in several near unanimous authoritative decisions.

4. During her first term, her outspokenness against Israeli policies and genocide in Gaza has marked an extraordinary period in UN history and even for human rights struggle in world history. How do you reflect to support and opposition she has received during this period?

The overwhelming majority of people in the world endorse the views professionally set forth in Francesca Albanese’s fine reports to the HRC that have activated the moral conscience of the world to endorse allegations of genocide and other crimes that she has documented and denounced. On the basis of such reports, it is a source of widespread disappointment that the UN and leading states have failed to enforce international law in ways that protect the long-suffering Palestinian people against such flagrant unlawful and unjust treatment. Palestine have been victimized and persecuted in their own homeland ever since Israel was established in 1948. International law has been authoritatively declared. What is missing is its ‘enforcement.’

This ‘enforcement gap’ must be closed if the human rights of vulnerable people are to be protected. This involves more than ending impunity for Israel. It requires UN reform, especially limiting the role of the veto power given to the five winners of World War II in the Security Council and empowering the General Assembly to enforce international law whenever the Security Council is somehow blocked in the future from carrying out its basic undertakings, especially as here where apartheid, genocide, ecocide, as well as flagrant collective punishment are at stake.

In the immediate instance of this crucial reappointment vote on April 4th, it is essential that the UN meets the challenge of supporting a brave, dedicated, and talented SR who has persisted in her role despite receiving little by way of support from the UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres and other high level UN civil servants, including the High Commissioner of the HRC, Volker Türk. There have been unanswered calls from her removal from the SR position by members of the US Congress and in an unverifed public statement by the former US Special Envoy on Antisemitism, Deborah Lipstadt, that the UN Secretary General called Albanese ‘a horrible person’ in private conversation. [Times of Israel, Jan. 15, 2025] Not to be outdone, Hillel Neuer, longtime director of UN Watch, submitted a 55 page document to the SG that outlined Albanese’s violations of the UN Code of Conduct that is applicable to those who serve the UN. His wider view was unrelenting view that Albanese was disqualified for reappointment because of the consistent antisemitism she exhibited in carrying out the UN mandate on Occupied Palestinian Territories.

This test case at the HRC tomorrow will cast another dark  shadow over the UN reputation should a majority of HRC member states vote against Albanese’s reappointment. It would create a terrible precedent for the future as well as render a grave personal injustice in the present. It would discourage many persons of conscience from taking on these voluntary positions at the UN that are neither compensated nor insulated from the whiplash of geopolitics and the dangers of being unprotected by the UN in the face of threats and disgraceful insults.