Richard Falk
[50th Anniversary of Philosophical Society of Turkey, Ankara, Oct. 4, 2024]
A Preliminary Reflection on Orientation
It is an honor for me, not even a philosopher, to be a panelist on this program honoring Professor Kucuredi for her inspirational role in the development of the Turkish Society of Philosophy over its life of 50 years.
Listening to the presentations and the introduction of speakers have made me aware that this Society, unlike so much of contemporary philosophy whether of the language or postmodern variety, is devoted to understanding the global crises of our time and how they might be best resolved for the benefit of all humanity.
If ever during the history of the human species did we need the benefits of ‘deep thinking,’ which is the enduringly profound contribution of philosophy, is now so many of the world’s leaders and influencers are behaving mindlessly or malevolently, raising risks of provoking quasi-species or even extinction events. Never has the need for philosophical deep thinking been greater with attention to the time dimensions of urgency as well as with the space dimensions of complex and intensive interdependence. Of course, this is not to denigrate longer term thinking relating to peacemaking and peacebuilding as a contribution to transformative patters of behavior in political, economic, and cultural domains of human expression and ecological awareness, but it is alerting deep thinker to the emergency conditions that bind together the destinies of all peoples sharing life on planet earth.
I have chosen to focus my remarks on the theme of ‘global governance’ that has been at the core of my scholarly work ever since I was a bewildered graduate student, then fearful of a major war fought with nuclear weapons. My overriding concern is with the management of global security in the sense of war, genocide, and atrocity prevention, which explains their linkage here. I was less concerned with the management of routine interactions across and within national borders that brings order, stability, and benefits in many diverse areas of life, including health, travel, diplomacy, sports, culture, and countless others. It ranks high among the achievements of modernity, but it is not enough given the rate and nature of technological innovation.
I explored from the standpoints of international law, international relations, and cultural values two central issues: 1) a critique of global governance as a structure of international life; 2) were there viable alternative modes of global governance that were less war-prone, more justice-oriented, and less a product Western hegemonic ambitions and civilizational provincialism. In carrying forward this line of thought I often turned to Western philosophy for insight and wisdom and to Eastern philosophy for empathy, different groundings in social/political realities, and ethical values reflecting different civilizational traditions.
Sketching the Philosophical Roots of Global Governance
Existing structure and procedures of global governance have their normative and political deep roots in the framework set forth in the Peace of Westphalia back in 1648, but continuously evolved to adapt to changing conditions.
The essential feature of this Westphalian framework was the formal or juridical autonomy of territorial states sovereign within recognized international borders, a systemic condition of philosophical anarchy most influentially theorized by Thomas Hobbes in The Leviathan published in 1651. This vision was accepting of the abiding reality of war, which in Hobbes’ words pitted ‘all against all.’
Hedley Bull modernized Hobbes in his important book, The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order initially published in 1977. The originality of Bull’s adherence to state-centrism was his idea that anarchy could be combined within the overarching non-governmental normative reality of ‘society,’ which was the narrative he believed best described world history, and could not be changed for the better. Revealingly, the main societal premise of Bull’s worldview was the political, moral, and legal obligation of sovereign governments to show respect for the norm of non-intervention by refraining from forcible intervention in the internal affairs of foreign countries.
The realist element in Bull’s approach was expressed by his rejection of the pretensions of international law as ‘a higher law’ than national legal authority when it came to maintaining global security, establishing and upholding political order, and imposing criminal accountability on individuals. Bull illustrated his bold reluctance to submit power to law within international settings by his rejection of the Nuremberg precedent by which German political and military officials were held internationally accountable after World War II for their alleged criminality.
Bull believed, and experience has largely vindicated his skepticism, that such punitive treatment as imposed on the losers in World War II made a mockery of law by overriding the sovereignty of only the losers. This unwillingness of the victorious countries to submit their own behavior to any legal assessment meant that what was being called ‘law’ at Nuremberg is more properly regarded as a naked expression of power. At the same time Bull valued law for its functional roles in serving the mutual or reciprocal interests of states in political order internationally, but he believed it had no constructive role in relation to war/peace contexts other than shared humanitarian concerns such as the humane treatment of prisoners-of-war by adversaries.
In effect, the Nuremberg Judgment was more an exercise of state propaganda by the winners in World War II than their claim of an advance in criminal jurisprudence of international accountability. In effect, war was accepted as embedded in the anarchic structures and it was leading many liberal idealists to regard international life as governed by law rather than power. Such thinking was an anathema to a confirmed realist such as Bull who felt there no alternative to leaving global governance and global security to what the most influential international relations
agreed upon despite policy divergencies (Morgenthau, Kissinger, and Kennan).
Bull’s deconstruction of Nuremberg accountability claims have been reinforced by invoking criminal law to punish Saddam Hussein after the Iraq War of 2003 while foregoing any legal scrutiny of serious war crimes allegations directed at George W. Bush or Tony Blair. The furious refusal by the US to have any member of its armed forces investigated or arrested for international crimes by the International Criminal Court is a further indication that Bull’s skepticism continues to be validated by experience.
Also significant is the reality that these projections of global governance that originated in the West and served Western interests in overriding the sovereignty of non-Western national societies by disguising power grabs as criminal justice. At its peak this Western hegemony both had recourse to law to rationalize colonialism, sugarcoat in the process genocidal policies directed toward native populations, especially in the British breakaway colonies in North America, Australia, and New Zealand.
As world history unfolded the US Government insisted upon and achieved total impunity even in relation to the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki that were viewed as unlawful in more objective legal and cultural venues ever since such weaponry of mass destruction came into existence. We can only regret that these grants of impunity for the atomic attacks cleared the path to the Nuclear Age that might not have come to pass if Germany or Japan had resorted to such weaponry and yet went on to lose the war. Controversial combat tactics by the losers in war rarely become acceptable practices in future wars, but if by winners it becomes more tenuous to deny the validity of their future use.
Kant’s disruptive challenge to Hobbes and contemporary realists
An earlier partial philosophical break came to the fore in the aftermath of the French Revolution articulated in perhaps the most conceptually sophisticated manner by Immanuel Kant in his publication 230 years ago of a long essay given the title Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Sketch. The basic Kantian insight was that the global spread of democratic republicanism, and accompanying human rights, could come to allow separate states to co-exist in a condition of harmony with respect to their national security, thereby indirectly achieving global security.
Kant sought to counter the structure of political realism that envisioned no alternative go ‘perpetual war’ with the revolutionary idea that war was not rooted in the human condition or even in the fragmented character of international society, but is an outgrowth of ideological tension, predatory economic impulses. Kant explored the possibility that the newly comforting belief that democracies would not wage war against each other. There were other related features in this Kantian hopeful view of international relations including a self-interested dynamic of state in mutual demilitarization.
It is arguable that this Kantian radical vision has never been tested historically because of the failure of democracy to spread to many important countries outside of the West, and with anti-democratic national governance remaining commonplace even in the West. The source of both world wars of the prior century were often accurately described as pitting the liberal democracies against first fascism and then totalitarian socialism, which can be conceived as a meeting place between Kant’s bonding expectations of democracies and their antagonism to anti-democratic forms, a kind of second-order fulfillment of Kant’s views on the relevance of internal state/society relations.
With the rise of civilizational consciousness conflict configurations are often portrayed by reference to diverse religious or ethnic identities, and their conflictual perspectives. Biden is the latest of Western leaders who sought to rally democracies against autocracies, as if he were a Kantian, although his designation of democracy was so broadened as to be normatively meaningless, malevolent, and mendacious by including Israel, Modi’s India, Saudi Arabia, and others. Such ideological opportunism undermines second-order Kantianism.
There remains a slender basis for the Kantian belief that ‘genuine’ democracies do not fight one another, and that if global political landscape came one day to consist only of genuine democracies, there would be, or at least might be, a prolonged period of world peace.
The Fleeting Promise of Governmental Solutions
From pre-Westphalian times contrary expectations envisioned an enhanced role for international law, entertaining political and ethical notions of overcoming Hobbesian anarchy by various ideas of institutional centralization expressive of various ideas of spontaneous or coerced unity of humanity, generating even governmental proposals for world government or geopolitical ambition to establish a global state. In other words, the pathway to a peaceful world led not through an anarchic structure but depends on overcoming political fragmentation by way of a deliberative process that credibly gives rise to a more centralized system of governance.
What now exists, epitomized by the design of the UN as an institutional (non-governmental) system in which all sovereign states are treated as equal in a formal diplomatic sense yet the five main prevailing states in World War II enjoy a right of veto in the Security Council, the only UN political organ with the authority to reach binding decisions. In effect, this has meant that global security is managed outside the UN by these powerful political actors who are granted the legal authority to evade the UN Charter while pursuing either peacekeeping or strategic interests.
In fact, this P5 managerial role produced during the 40 years of Cold War led to a precarious balance between the Soviet Union and the three NATO members of the SC led by the US with respect to major war. Since the Soviet collapse and the end of the Cold War this geopolitical P2 became behaviorally the P1, at least until Russia mounted a geopolitical challenge as an accompaniment to the Ukraine War and the Global South showed signs of promoting their own version of global governance with encouragement by China. The Ukraine War also highlighted the moral hypocrisy of the West by its denunciation of Russia while actively supporting Israel in openly carrying out genocide in Gaza. This posture also exhibited a betrayal of liberal values associated with respect for international law and human rights in this clash with strategic interests and cultural affinities.
After each of the world wars, idealists on the sidelines of world politics put forward views that advocated world government in the form of the enactment of a federalist constitutional framework providing global governance and the institutional management of global security.
These views never gained political traction against either the realist consensus that dominated foreign policy elites in the powerful countries of the world or by public advocacy on the part of engaged national citizenries. These ideas of centralized global governance continued to languish despite the advent of nuclear weapons, the climate crisis, and the wastefulness and menace of militarized global security in the nuclear age. The UN was framed to create a system of institutional centralization for functional activities while being forced to adapt to the geopolitical management of war prevention and global security. It should therefore come as no surprise that the UN has been minimally involved in the ongoing war in Ukraine and the genocidal assault in Gaza
The 2024 UN Summit of the Future with its call for virtuous behavior protective of long-term human wellbeing and ecological stability by UN members and along with the championing of inspiring policies directed at mitigating human suffering seems likely to experience the disappointing destiny of the UN Preamble to the Charter with its confident call to end the scourge of war and serve as a beacon of hope for a peaceful future. Satisfying words with a pacifying impact without obligatory matching deeds is similar to being presented a beautiful wine bottle that is empty of the coveted liquid within.
A Concluding Lament
We live in disillusioning times, where the appeals of 21st century pragmatic thinkers and critics, alive to real world challenges, are still dismissed as visionary, and are neither heard nor heeded in the corridors of power. These venues of power and wealth still remain mainly the preserve of ambitious men who continue to be bewitched by the benefits of short-term performances, while the profound challenges that haunt a human future facing increasingly urgent imperative consisting of long-term vision, commitment, empathy, ecological resilience, and spiritual wisdom. May it be so! And may philosophers add their variants of deep thinking in the process.
Global Justice in the 21st Century 
Toward the Creation of a World Parliament: Strongly Recommended Reading
13 AprToward the Creation of a World Parliament: Strongly Recommended Reading
This is a brief promotional comment to call attention to the publication of a truly outstanding contribution to creative and restorative world order thinking. The book is entitled A World Parliament: Governance and Democracy in the 21stCenturyby Jo Leinen and Andreas Bummel, translated from German by Ray Cunningham, and published in 2018 in Berlin under the imprint of Democracy Without Borders. The book is currently available for purchase from Amazon.
I hope at a later time to do a serious review of this urgent plea for what might be called ‘cosmopolitan rationalism,’ the undergirding of a populist movement dedicated to overcoming the menace of the war system and predatory capitalism, placing a great emphasis on the potential of institutional innovation beyond the level of the state, above all, through the establishment of a world parliament with legislative authority. This would be a revolutionary step in the governance of humanity, and if it happens, is likely to be preceded in the evolutionary agenda of the authors by a global assembly endowed with recommendatory powers but lacking a mandate to make and implement binding decisions, and hence incapable of resolving conflicts or solving challenges of global scope.
The authors are both dedicated advocates of the institutionalization of governmental authority of regional and global scope. Leinen
has been a leading member of the European Parliament since 1999 as well as a German government official. Bummel is an internationally known and respected champion of world federalism incorporating democratic values. He is co-founder and director of the NGO, Democracy Without Borders.
What makes this book a great gift to humanity at a time of global emergency, is what I would call its ‘informed global humanism’ that sheds light on the long and distinguished history of proposals for global parliamentary authority. The institutional focus is greatly expanded and deepened by an erudite consideration of why global problems, as varied as food, water, environment, climate change, and economic justice cannot be solved without the presence and help of a world parliament capable of generating enforceable law. The authors bring to bear an astonishing range of knowledge to support their conclusions, drawing on the accumulated wisdom of philosophers, scientists, social scientists, moral authority figures, and statesmen to illuminate the question of how to meet the formidable challenges of the age. This enlargement of concerns lends weight to their commitment to clear the path of obstacles currently blocking the formation of a world parliament.
Indeed, while building their central case for a world parliament, Leinen and Bummel, have authored a book that tells you all you need to know to understand with some depth what is wrong with the world as it now functions, how it can best be fixed, and by whom. Their central political faith is rooted in an espousal of democratic values that they project as a positive global trend. Only here do I have some reservations, reflecting my reactions to the militarization of democracy in the United States and to the strong trends favoring autocracy in most leading countries. I do share with the authors a skepticism about the capacity of existing elites to promote the necessary reforms, as well as their sense that the time of a transnational revolution of the industrial proletariat has passed, with hopes now resting in the eruption of a transnational democratic and cosmopolitan democratic movement promoting progressive and humane forms of global governance.
I strongly recommend this book as a source of wisdom, thought, and the fashioning of a positive vision of the human future. Pasted below is the table of contents of A World Parliament to give a more concrete picture of the scope and grandeur of this extraordinary scholarly contribution with manifold activist implications for those of us who consider themselves citizen pilgrims.
Detailed Contents of A WORLD PARLIAMENT
Introduction ……………………………………………………………………. 1
PART I
The idea of a world parliament: its history and pioneers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
of a contract ………………………………………………………………… 8
Cosmopolitanism in ancient Greece 8—Cosmopolitan roots in India and China 9—
Vitoria’s ‘republic of the whole world’ 10—Conceptions of peace under ‘the sovereign
power of the state’ 12—The idea of the social contract in Hobbes and Locke 13—The
social contract and Wolff’s ‘V.lkerstaat’ 16—Kant’s cosmopolitan project 17
The American federal state and representative democracy 20—The historical roots of
parliamentarism 22—Cosmopolitanism in the French Revolution 24—Cloots’ ‘republic
of humanity’ 25—The end of cosmopolitanism 26
inter-parliamentary movement ………………………………………….. 27
Sartorius’ ‘peoples’ republic’ 27—Pecqueur’s concept of worldwide integration 28—
Pecqueur’s world federation and world parliament 29—Tennyson’s ‘Parliament of
Man’ 31—The long struggle to extend the right to vote 32—The birth of the inter-parliamentary
movement 33—The establishment of the IPU 34—The Hague Peace Conferences
as a catalyst 35—Internationalism in the USA 36—An initiative at the IPU 37—
Arguments emerging out of the German peace movement 39
The programme of the ‘Round Table’ group 42—The theory of sociocultural evolution
and a world federation 43—A world parliament on the Versailles agenda 44—The ‘German
Plan’ for the constitution of the League 46—Disappointment over the League of
Nations 46
the early days of the UN ………………………………………………….. 50
Federalism under pressure from fascism 50—The growth of world federalism 51—
Planning the post-war order 53—Fundamental criticism of the UN, and the shock of
Detailed Contents ix
the atom bomb 54—Prominent support for a federal world order 55—Reves’ critique
of democracy, the nation state and sovereignty 56—Albert Einstein and Albert Camus
as advocates 57—The position of the Catholic Church 58—The British initiative of Nov.
1945 59—The issue of a Charter review conference 60—The foundation of the Council
of Europe 62—Sohn’s proposal for a parliamentary assembly at the UN 62—Models for
a world constitution 63—The Clark and Sohn model 64—Parliamentary cooperation
for a world federation 65
World federalism caught between the fronts in the Cold War 68—The federalist movement
and the founding of NATO 68—The declining popularity of world federalism
and a world parliament 69—The World Order Models Project 71—The growing importance
of NGOs 71—The idea of a ‘second chamber’ 73—The issue of weighted voting
in the UN General Assembly 74—Bertrand’s report 75— Perestroika and Gorbachev’s
initiative 76
revitalization of the debate ……………………………………………….. 79
The democratization wave 79—The revitalization of the debate 80—A UN parliamentary
assembly as a strategic concept 81—Support for a world parliament and a UNPA 82—
The report by the Commission on Global Governance 85—The report by the World
Commission on Culture and Development 87
Globalization and the nation state 88—The theory of ‘cosmopolitan democracy’ 90—
The Falk and Strauss essays 93—A community of the democracies? 94— H.ffe’s federal
world republic 95—The call for a WTO parliament and the role of the IPU 97—Other
initiatives towards a world parliament and a UNPA 98
UN Parliamentary Assembly ……………………………………………. 102
The ban on landmines, the International Criminal Court and the World Social
Forum 102—New contributions on the idea of a global parliament 103—The Lucknow
conferences 104—9/11 and global democracy 105—The report by the German Bundestag‘
s Enquete Commission 106—The report by the World Commission on the Social
Dimension of Globalization 107—The Ubuntu Forum campaign 108—The Cardoso
panel report 108—Growing support for a UNPA 111—The international campaign
for a UNPA 114—Calls for a UNPA since 2007 117—The third World Conference of
Speakers of Parliament 120—The European Parliament Resolution of 2011 121—The
de Zayas recommendations 123—Later developments 124—The report by the
Albright-Gambari Commission 126—The election of Trump and ongoing efforts 127
PART II
Governance and democracy in the 21st century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
commons ………………………………………………………………… 132
The era of humankind 132—Earth system boundaries 133—The problem of voluntarism
135—The ‘tragedy of the commons’ 137—The management of global common
goods 139—The problem of the generations 140—Global majority decision-making 141—
The tragedy of international law 143
market economy …………………………………………………………. 144
Overshoot and ecological footprint 144—The end of the Utopia of growth 145—The
challenge of global eco-social development 146—‘Political barriers’ as the main obstacle
to transformation 147—The process of state formation and the rise of the market economy
148—The ‘double movement’ between market fundamentalism and state interventionism
149—A global eco-social market economy 150
deregulation ……………………………………………………………… 153
The relevance of the ‘double movement’ and the emancipation question 153—The
financial crisis and the continuing systemic risk 154—State intervention to stabilize the
financial system 156—The financial system as a ‘priority global public good’ 157—The
anarchic system of international law 158—Liberalism, Laissez-faire and the question of
a world state 159—The global race to deregulate 160—The key role of tax havens and
anonymous shell companies 161—The hidden trillions 164—Global state formation
as the goal of the counter-movement 165
A world currency and a world central bank 167—The impact of national monetary policy
and currency wars 168—Recent proposals for a world reserve currency 169—The
fiscal race to the bottom 170—Uniform taxation of multinational corporations 172—
Rejection by the OECD 173—Global fiscal federalism and the restitution of fiscal sovereignty
174—Ideas for global taxes 175—The management, supervision and expenditure
of global tax revenues 176
interdependence …………………………………………………………. 179
‘Trans-sovereign problems’ 179—The concept of interdependence 180—Transgovernmental
networks and the merging of domestic and foreign policy 181—The evolutionary
phases of the international order 183—Sovereignty and the era of ‘implosion’ 184
Detailed Contents xi
evolution …………………………………………………………………. 187
The potential for worldwide collapse 187—The Genome as part of the heritage of humankind
188—Reprogenetics 189—Transhumanism and artificial intelligence 190—
Autonomous weapons systems 191—Bioterrorism, nanobots and new pathogens 193—
The need for regulation under global law 194
Nulcear war as ‘the end of all things’ 196—The danger of nuclear war 197—The risk of
nuclear accidents 198—The unfulfilled commitment to general and complete disarmament
200—The architecture of nuclear disarmament 202—The link between nuclear
and conventional disarmament 204—The McCloy-Zorin Accords 206—The unrealized
peace concept of the UN Charter, and UN armed forces 207—The four pillars of a
world peace order 209—The role of a World Parliament 210
The ‘war on terror’ as an end in itself 212—The covert warfare of the USA 212—The
consequences of US foreign policy and the ‘war against terror’ 213—Human rights violations
and the USA’s drone warfare 215—The roots of transnational terrorism and
the relevance of a World Parliament 216—The global surveillance system and universal
disenfranchisement 219—Global data protection legislation 221
post-American era ………………………………………………………. 223
The need for world police law and a supranational police authority 223—The failure of
classical sanctions 224—A supranational police to support the ICC 225—Extending the
prosecuting powers of the ICC 227—Strengthening international criminal prosecution
and a World Parliament 229—Interpol and accountability 231—A World Parliament as
an element of world police law 232—The role and significance of the USA 235
The extent of worldwide hunger and the right to adequate nutrition 238—Population
growth and food production 240—The fragility of global food supply 242—Dependence
on oil and phosphates 244—Hunger as a problem of political economy 244—
The relevance of democracy and the international system 245—Agricultural subsidies,
the WTO and food security 247—Commodity markets and financial speculation 248—
Food security as a global public good and the failure of the G20 249—The FAO, a World
Food Board and global food reserves 250—Free trade, food security and a world peace
order 252—Democratising global food policy and a World Parliament 253
The state of drinking water supply 256—Water security as a global concern 257—The
democratic deficit in water governance and a World Parliament 259
Poverty as a key issue 262—Extreme poverty and the right to an adequate standard of
living 262—The need for a new approach to international development 265—
Economic growth is not enough 266—Social security as the foundation of a planetary
social contract 267—A global basic income 268—Universal access to the global commons
270—The dream of a life free from economic compulsion 270
The emergence of global class conflicts and the role of the middle class 272—The
global precariat 274—The concept of the Multitude 275—The super rich and global
power structures 277—The transnational capitalist class 279—A transnational state
apparatus 280—The interconnections between transnational corporations 281—The
need for a global antitrust authority 282—Global inequality and instability 284—
Inequality as the cause of the financial crisis 285—The growth of capital investments
and a global tax on capital 286—The need for global public policy instruments and a
World Parliament 287—A new global class compromise 289
federalism ………………………………………………………………… 290
The global elite and the question of a world government 290—The spectre of a
global Leviathan 292—Hierarchical order and complexity 294—Different types of
hierarchies 294—The principle of subsidiarity 295—The fragmentation of global governance
and international law 296—Coherent world law and a World Parliament 298—
The bewildering world order and the ‘age of entropy’ 298—The entropic decline of
world civilization? 300—World federalism as a means of reducing complexity 301—A
world state as a taboo topic 302—The teetering paradigm of intergovernmentalism 303—
The standard reactionary arguments 305
deficit …………………………………………………………………….. 307
The waves of democratization 307—Economic development and democracy 309—The
post-industrial transformation in values 310—Democracy as a universal value 312—
The right to democracy 313—The undermining of democracy by intergovernmentalism
315—The influence of transnational corporations 317—The example of the Codex
Commission 317—Fragmentation as a problem of democracy 319—The dilemma of
scale 320—The concept of a chain of legitimation 320—Output legitimation 321—
Accountability to the world’s citizens 323—Equality and representation in international
law and world law 324—The third democratic transformation 326—
International parliamentary institutions 328
Detailed Contents xiii
enlightenment …………………………………………………………… 330
War and socio-political evolution 331—The decline of violence 333—The development
of reason, empathy, and morality 333—The origin of morality in group selection 336—
In-group morality and humanity’s crisis of adolescence 337—Sociogenesis and psychogenesis
340—The widening circle of empathy 340—The transition to an integral consciousness
343—Group narcissm and the Promethean gap 345—The problem of cultural
lag 347—Global identity and the Other 349—The ‘Overview Effect’ and a planetary
worldview 351—Identity, demos, and state formation 353—The progressive
attitude of the world population 357—Global history and world citizenship education
359—‘Big History’ as a modern creation story 360—The continuation of the project
of modernity 362—The new global Enlightenment 365
PART III
Shaping the future: the design and realization of world democracy . . . . 367
The example of the European Parliament 369—The proposal for a UNPA 370—The
extension of powers and responsibilities 371—Growing democratic challenges 374—
The allocation of seats 376
International law and world law compared 379—A bicameral world legislature 381—
A world constitutional court 382
The structural conditions for institutional change 384—A cosmopolitan movement
386—The role of NGOs 388—A UNPA as a catalyst for change 389—Four
factors 391—The stealthy revolution 391—The revolution from below 392—The revolution
from above 393—The trigger 394—Anticipating and averting the horror 395—
Climate-induced events 396—A democratic China 397—In the beginning 399
Index …………………………………………………………………………. 401
Tags: Andreas Bummel, Jo Leinen, World Federalism, World Government, World Parliament